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Volume XXIV 

MAT to OCTOBER, 1912 





Copyright, 1912, by 



(*Illustrated Articles. Editorials in Italics.) 


A BOUT Drudgery 136 

About Regulating the Press 611 

A bout the Crazy People 260 

About the Morals of Some Periodicals 494 

A Calaveras Evening 272 

'Across India With " Kim," (Edgar Allen Forbes) 639 

A Few A nnouncements 501 

Affairs in the Caribbean 622 

Age of Explorations, The 3 


About Drudgery 136 

*A Safe Way to Get on the Soil (Anita Moore) 215 

Doctor of Agriculture — A New Profession 499 

Farming the Best of All Trades 468 

Forward to the Land 354, 468, 587, 706 

// We Farmed as We Should 135 

Land A-Plenty (J. H. Bonsteel) 116 

The High Cost of Farming (B. F. Yoakum) 519 

The Man Who Wants Farmers 708 

Why Back to the Land? 239 

A mazing Automobile, The 500 

.-1 n nouncements , A Few 501 

Answers to Questions About Farm Land 709 

A Question of Morals 261 

As a Foreigner Sees Them, (Charles Oster) 575 

Art and Architecture: 

The Lincoln and Perry Memorials (Henry Saylor)..g4 


Teaching Children Thrift 135 

The Director of 10,000 Banks (Frank Parker Stock- 
bridge) 300 

To Clean up the Banking Business 624 

What Shall We Do With Our Banks? (C. M. Keys) . . 90 

Beef (Frank Parker Stockbridge) 658 

Before the Conventions 129 

"Belasco, David 291 

•Best Roads at Least Cost (J. E. Pennybacker, Jr.) 679 

Best Work of Our Times, The 269 


•David Belasco 291 

•Champ Clark 27 

•Col. Goethals 389 

Eugene H. Grubb 468 

Thomas R. Marshall 630 

Geo. von L. Meyer 564 

'Governor Stubbs 59 

William H. Taft 173 

•Bishop John H. Vincent 100 

Blundering into Business 387 


•Why Coffee Costs Twice as Much (Robert Sloss) . . . 194 

•Builder of the Canal, The (Farnham Bishop) 389 

Builder of Empire Gone, A 133 


How Business and Politics Work Together 138 

CALAVERAS Evening. A 272 

Campaign Without Business Disturbance, A 475 

Cancer Cure At Last? A 613 

Can There Be a Universal Religion? 273 

Caribbean Cauldron, The 385 

Carrying the Grades to the Country School 622 

Central America: 

Affairs in the Caribbean 622 

Caribbean Cauldron, The 385 

Our Danger in Central America (William Bayard 

Hale ) 443 

'With the Knox Mission in Central America, I, II, 

III, (William Bayard Hale) 179, 323, 443 

•Champ Clark of Pike County (Frank Parker Stockbridge). . 27 

Chance Drama of the Conventions, The (Chas. M. Harvey) 234 

•Changing the Trans-Continental Trade Routes (CM. Keys) 403 

The Great American Forum (French Strcther). . . . 551 
•Bishop Vincent, Founder of Chautauquas (Henry 

Oyen ) 100 

China: page 

China in Convalescence 16 

How the Chinese Republic Was Born (Ng Poon 

Chew ) 108 

New China's Difficulties 263 

Pound Foolish Dollar Diplomacy 623 

China in Convalesence 16 


March of the Cities: 

Riverside 120 

Baltimore 240 

Fond du Lac 353 

St. Paul 467 

Lynchburg 586 

Boston 705 

Cleaning Out the Loan Sharks 616 

Cleaning up Michigan 265 

Climb of the Pension Tax, The 265 

Coming Era of Export, The n 

Community Control in Canada (Elmer E. Ferris) 578 

Competition, The New, I, II, III (Arthur J. Eddy). .85, 209, 317 

Congressman and Pensions, A 492 

Conservative Socialism 264 

Consumers' League (Mrs. Mabel Potter Daggett) 664 

Conventions as Great Shows, The 365 

Cooperator's Big Dollar, The (Frank Parker Stockbridge). . . . 534 

Cost of Credulity, The 503 

Cost of Living: 

Beef (Frank Parker Stockbridge) 65S 

// We Farmed as We Should 135 

// We Raised What We Eat 13 

The Dwindling American Dollar n 

The High Cost of Living I (B. F. Yoakum) 519 

The High Cost of Railroading II (B. F. Yoakum). . 649 

The Practical Lesson Before Us 61 1 

Country Life: 

*A Safe Way to Get on the Soil (Anita Moore). ... 215 

A Way to Better Country Living (E. C. Branson). . 354 

Farming the Best of all Trades ( Eugene H. Grubb) 468 

Forward to the Land : 354, 468, 587, 706 

Land A-Plenty (J. H. Bonsteel) 116 

Why Back to the Land? 239 

•Country Schools For Country Children (W. K. Tate) 102 

Country School of To-morrow. The (Frederick T. Gates). . . . 460 

County That Cures Drunkards, A 616 

T\EGRADA TION of a High Office, The 1 23 

■LS Devil and Tom Walker, The (J. W. Church and Carlyle 

Ellis) ". 698 

Director of 10,000 Banks. The (Frank Parker Stockbridge). . 300 

Doctor of Agriculture — A New Profession 499 

Dr. Berliner, Master Inventor (Wells F. Harvey) 673 

Dr. Eliot on the Peace Movement 614 

Dr. Furness 615 

Dwindling American Dollar, The 1 1 


A University Exposition 381 

•Country Schools for Country Children (W. K. Tate) 102 
Country School of To-morrow, The (Frederick T. 

Gates) 460 

Education and Begging 496 

Extravagant Economy 260 

Medical Education Abroad 3S2 

Our Long, Slow School Task 263 

Teaching Children Thrift 135 

The Penalty of Neglected Education 611 

The Real Progressives in the Country 377 

Education and Begging 496 

England, Germany and War 404 

Era of Export, The Coming 11 


To Improve the Race 134 

Eugenics and War 612 

T? ARMING: (See Agriculture) 

A Farming the Best of all Trades (Eugene H. Grubb) 468 

Fatigue and Poison 2 1 2 

INDEX — Continued 


/ eu A nnouncements , A S 01 


Blundering Into Business 387 

Getting Too Much Money 25 

The Man Who Was Trusted 625 

Flies and Mosquitoes: 

•How to Get Rid of Mosquitoes (Frank Parker 

Stockhridge ) , 78 

How to Make a Flyless Town (Frank Parker Stock- 
bridge) 176 

How to Rid the House of Flies (Frank Parker Stock- 
hridge) 112 

The War on the Typhoid Fly 19 

Flock 0/ Old War Bogies. A 132 

Folly of Federal Aid for Roads. The 618 

Fool and His Money. The 502 

Foreclosing the Mortgage on War (David Starr Jordan).. . 205 

For Pure Food Again 15 

Forward to the Land 354, 468, 587, 706 

mder of Chautauquas. The (Henry Oycn) 100 


( '] KM ANY: 

England. Germany and War 

(lilting Too Much Money 

uan (in / the ( :>mi>i>;. The 

1 lid Times? The (Lyman Beecher Stowc). 
! Roads: 

:' Roads and "Pork" 

■■'■• "rlli $35,000,000 a Yi .r I. 1 Hewes).... 
The licst Road:, at Least Cosl nnybackcr, 

The Folly 0] I ■ 

1 hi ) 


-lubbs (Miss Dana (.atlin) . 

Hopeful Si '< :>i '! ' ti / ■ 
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TF WE Farmed as We Should 
If We Raised What We Eat 

*A Safe Way to Get on the Soil (.Anita Moore) 

•Across India With "Kim" (Edgar Allen Forbes) 

A Little Scheme That Worked. ... 143 

Blundering Into Business 387 

His First Bond. . 
Ishi. The Last Aborigine (A. L. Kroeber) 

Is Socialism Upon Us? IV (Samuel P. Orth) 452 

Is lite Presidential Primary a Failure? . . . . 258 



A Flock of 01 ! Weir Bogies 132 

The Mysterious Emperor 

Western Clianges Too 493 

•pITNOX Mission to Central America I. II. Ill (William 
Bayard Hale) 179, 3s 


A New Element in Strikes 13 

Land A-Plenty (J. II. Bonsteel). . .. ... 116 

•Land of Fulfillment (Samuel P. Orth) 111 337 

Length of Days 

Lesson of Lorimer. The . 491 

Letters to the Editor 591. 711 

•Lincoln and Perry Memorials. The (Henry Savior) 

L ttle Scheme That Worked, The 

/- mely American Merchantman, The 138 

Lorimer, Tlie Lesson of 491 





2 1: 

A TAK IXC. Busint ss to Order (Henr\ 

Man V. ho '..ants Farmers, 1 I.- 
Man Who Was Trusted. The 
March of the ( 

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INDEX — Continued 

Peace and War: page 

England. Germany and War 494 

Foreclosing the Mortgage on War (David Starr 

Jordan) 20s 

How the Chinese Republic Was Born (Ng Poon 

Chew) 108 

The Ho pe/ul Side in Mexico 15 

Penalty of Neglected Education, The 611 


A Congressman and Pensions 402 

Mr. Adams and His Pension Arti.les 130 

Publish the List 14 

The Climb of the Pension Tax 265 

People's Health. The 619 

Personal Platforms of the Candidates. The 20 

•Picture of the Canal, A (Wm. Bayard Hale) 414 

•Picturesque New York, I, II, III (F. Hopkinson 

Smith) 279, 434, 541 


A Campaign Without Business Disturbance 475 

A Measure of the Candidates 9 

An Unpredecented Electoral Possibility 130 

As a Foreigner Sees Them (Lharles Oster) 575 

Before the Conventions 129 

•Champ Clark of Pike County (Frank Parker Stock- 
bridge) 27 

Degradation of a High Office. The 123 

Going Man and the Coming, The 363 

'Governor Stubbs — What I Am Trying To Do 

(Miss Dana Gatlin) 59 

How Business and Politics Work Together 138 

Is the Presidential Primary a Failure? 258 

Minority Presidents 259 

Ohio's New Constitution 264 

Saner Things Than Politics 261 

Shall a Third Term Be Forbidden? 257 

The Chance Drama of Conventions (Charles M. 

Harvey) 234 

The Conventions as Great Shows 36s 

The New Campaign Ethics 595 

The Personal Platforms of the Candidates 20 

The Progressive Programme 489 

The Quandary as to Electors 496 

Two Battles for One Cause 365 

What the Election Ought to Settle 243 

Wilson — Taf t — Roosevelt 569 

Pound Foolish Dollar Diplomacy 623 

Practical Lesson Before Us, The 611 

President Taft: 

As a Foreigner Sees Them (Charles Oster) 575 

The Degradation of a High Office 123 

The Going Man and the Coming 363 

What I Am Trying To Do 173 

Wilson — Taft — Roosevelt 569 

Profit of Good Roads, the (Logan Waller Page) 675 

Progress in the Stales 617 

Progressive Programme, The 4§g 


About the Morals of Some Periodicals 494 

Publish the List 14 

Publish the List 14 

QUANDARY as to Electors, The 496 

«- Question of Morals, A 261 


A Builder of Empire Gone 133 

"Humanizing a Dangerous Business 384 

Making Business to Order (Henry Oyen) 308 

The High Cost of Railroading (B. F. Yoakum). . . . 649 

The Ominous Railroad Outlook 10 

Real "Progressives" in the Country 377 


A Great, Simple Men's Church (Jacob A. Riis). . . . 276 

Can there be a Universal Religion? 273 

Spreading the Gospel by Printer's Ink (Mary & 

Lewis Theiss) 313 

The Matter With the Ministry 227 

Rights of the Child 271 

•Roads to Prosperity, The (B. F. Yoakum) 649 

•Roads Worth $35,000,000 a Year (L. I. Hewes) 688 

Roosevelt, Theodore: 

As a Foreigner Sees Them (Charles Oster) 575 

Wilson — Taft — Roosevelt 569 


Diagram of the Reichstag . .-.' 149 

German Militarism and Education 151 

General Plan of Washington 95 

Labor Party 347 

Landlords Against the Laborers 351 

Land Octopus 349 

Panama Canal: 

Cross Section of a Double Lock Chamber 416 

Profile of Panama Canal 4 5 7 

Size of Side Wall of Lock 416 


Growth of the Pay Roll 651 

Rural Nursing, The Spread of 615 

*§AFE Way to Get on the Soil (Anita Moore) 215 

Saner Things Than Politics 261 


Cleaning up Michigan 265 

Sanitary Saranac Lake (Stephen Chalmers) 581 

Sanitary Saranac Lake (Stephen Chalmers) 581 

School Banking System: 

Teaching Children Thrift 1 , r 

Shall a Third Term Be Forbidden? 257 

Sixty-Second Congress, The 609 

Small Statesmen and a Big River jjq 

Socialism : 

Community Control in Canada (Elmer E. Ferris). . 578 

Conservative Socialism 264 

Hungry England and Socialism 268 

•The World-Wide Sweep of Socialism, I (Samuel 'P 

Orth) 42 

•The Solid Million in Germany, II (Samuel P. 

Orth) I4 6 

The Land of Fulfillment. Ill (Samuel P. Orth). . . 337 

Is Socialism Upon Us? IV (Samuel P. Orth) 452 

•Solid Million in Germany. The (Samuel P. Orth) 146 

Spreading the Gospel by Printer's Ink (Mary and Lewis 

Theiss) 313 

Spread of Rural Nursing, The 615 

Strikes, A New Element in 13 

Struggle for the South Pole, The (Robert E. Peary) 113 

REACHING Children Thrift 135 

The Amazing Automobile 500 

Titanic and Its Heroes, The 1 40 

To Clean up the Banking Business 624 

To Give Credit Where It is Due 269 

To Help the Helpless Child (Charles R. Henderson) 627 

To Improve the Race 134 


The Grab Bag Trust 491 

What is a Clearing House? 378 

Two Battles for One Cause 365 

Two Edged Panama Act, The 610 

TJNITED for Health. 499 

University Exposition, A 381 

•Unknown Wonders of Our National Parks, The 68 

Unprecedented Electoral Possibility, An 130 

WAR on the Typhoid Fly, The 19 

Waste of 75 Millions a Year 378 

Way to Better Country Living (E. C. Branson) 354 

Weed, Theodore, The Director of 10,000 Banks (Frank Parker 

Stockbridge) 300 

Western Changes Too 493 

•Western Fourth of July, A 285 

What I Am Trying To Do: 

Governor Stubbs, 1 59 

William H. Taft, II 173 

•David Belasco, III 291 

George von L. Meyer, IV 564 

What is a Clearing House 378 

What Shall We Do With Our Banks? (C. M. Keys) 90 

•What the Dictograph Is, (French Strother) 37 

What the Election Ought to Settle 243 

•When We Get the Parcels Post (Frank Parker Stockbridge) 161 

Why Back to the Land? 239 

•Why Coffee Costs Twice as Much (Robert Sloss) 194 

Why Not a Few Free Ports 377 

Wilbur Wright 264 

Wilson, Woodrow: 

As a Foreigner Sees Them (Charles Oster) 575 

The Going Man and the Coming 363 

Wilson — Taft — Roosevelt 569 

Wilson — Taft — Roosevelt 5°9 

"Wireless" and the Titanic (Guglielmo Marconi) 225 

•With the Knox Mission to Central America, I, II. Ill 

(William Bayard Hale) 179. 323. 44.* 

Women (Mrs. Mabel Potter Daggett) 664 

Workingmen's Compensation Laws 620 

•World-Wide Sweep of Socialism, The (Samuel P. Orth). ... 42 


Increase in the Cost of Compensation forlnjuries. .. . 652 

Increase in the Cost of Damage to Goods in Transit 652 

Increase in Freight Service to the Public 654 

Increase in Passenger Service to the Public 655 

Increase in Taxes 653 

Increased Gross Earnings 656 

Rise in the Cost of Fuel 653 

Rise in Railroad Expenses 65 1 

Rising Wage Scale 650 

What Trans-Continental Railroads Carry 4" 

Rise of the Pension Fund 2 ^7 

INDEX — Continued 



Amunckrn » Route to the South Pole >«5 

D in 1912,. . 536, 537 
Ic Track sissippi, A 502 

.rm licit .51°. S" 

II the Current of World Trade Will I low After the Panama 

4 so, 421 
North 5°0 

Relation of Panama to the Orient . 422 


Relief Map of Panama Canai 415 

Sanitation Map of North Carolina 508 

Secretary- Knox's Route to Caribbean States 181 

Staple Crops 117 

The "Chautauqua Belt" 562 

The "Great Circle Route" 423 

Trans-Continental Railroads 410 

World Trade in Last Ten Years 11 


1 mham 380. 

1 116 

Chalmers, Stephen 581 

Chew, N 1 108 

Child- 240 

J U 608 

Daggett, Mrs. M 664 
I \rtlnir J ... .85, 200, 317 
I ..rlvlr 

1:1 578 

I 630 

' I 460 

(' lit! 59 

Hale, William Bayard . 14, 443, 630 

I 234 

H 673 

Henderson. Charles k 627 

li .688 

Jordan .205 

I "■ 1. S03. 62s 

I 304 

. 5S 

re, Anita 21s 

Orth, Samuel P 42, 146, 337, 452 

Oster. Charles 575 

Oycn. Henry 100, 308 

Page. Logan Waller 675 

Page. Walter H 504 

Peary. Robert I 113 

Pennybacker, Jr., J. E 679 

Redding, Leo 291 

Jacob A 276 

ir, Henry 94 

Sloss. Robert. 194 

pkinson - - 279. 434. 541 

rank Parker. 27, 78, 112. 161. 176, 225, 300. 534, 658 
re, Lyman Beecher. 670 

< hi-r. French ... 37, 551 

Taft, William II 173 

Tate. William K . 102 

Thciss, Mary and Lewis 313 


White. Stewart Edward 220 

turn, li. r 519, 645 

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The World's Work 



('apl. Roald Amundsen - ------ Frontispiece 

THE MARCH OF EVENTS — An Editorial Interpretation - - - 3 

The From Secretary of State Knox The Senators from the New States 

Mr. John P. White The Ellsworth Zouaves 

The Age of Exploration Publish the List 

A Measure of the Candidates For Pure Food Again 

The Ominous Railroad Outlook China in Convalescence 

The Coming Era of Export The Hopeful Side in Mexico 

The Dwindling American Dollar The Memorial to Lincoln 

If We Raised What We Eat The War on the Typhoid Fly 

A New Element in Strikes A Health Competition for $100 


GETTING TOO MUCH MONEY -------- C. M. K. 25 


Frank Parker Stockbridge 27 

WHAT THE DICTOGRAPH IS (Illustrated) - - French Strother 37 


"WHAT I AM TRYING TO DO" An Authorized Interview with 

GOV. W. R. STUBBS (Illustrated) ----- Dana Gatlin so 


HOW TO GET RID OF MOSQUITOES (Illus.) F. P. Stockbridge 78 



Henry H. Saylor 94 

THE FOUNDER OF "CHAUTAUOUAS" (Illustrated) Henry Oyen 100 

W. K. Tate 102 




LAND A-PLENTY ----------- - J. H. Bonsteel 117 

THE MARCH OF THE CITIES ------------- 120 

TERMS: £3.00 a year; single copies, 25 cents. For Foreign Postage add $1.28; Canada, 60 cents. 

Published monthly. Copyright, 1912, by Doubleday, Page & Company. 

All rights reserved. Entered at the Post-OfEce at Garden City, N. Y., as second-class mail matter. 

Country Life in America The Garden Magazine-Farming 


. N. Doubleday, President \ ^"houLon^' [ Vice-Presidents 

H. W. Lanier, Secretary 

N. Y. 

S. A. E%'eritt, Treasurer 



Bl FIRS! Al llll; ABSOLLIl SOI III [Sti />** tij\ 




Volume XXIV 



THOUGH in days preeminent 
for man's conquest of Nature 
by science and engineering, 
Amundsen's journey to the 
South Pole, like Peary's to 
the North Pole, was made with only the 
appliances of previous generations. The 
poles were discovered by the endurance 
of dogs and men, spurred on by the old 
spirit of adventure and the lust for difficult 
and dangerous tasks that stirred the ad- 
venturers of old. In another century or 
two the era of the pole discoveries will be 
hailed as the good old times when men were 
still men and civilization had not made the 
world effete. 

The twelve years ending with the dis- 
covery of the South Pole are as full of 
dramatic achievement as the days of 
Drake and Raleigh, for not even in those 
times was there a more extraordinary series 
of discoveries and conquests packed into 
a dozen years. 

In 1900 only one man had been the 
length of Africa by land, and the Cape 
to Cairo railroad was but a dream. There 
was not a railroad across South America. 
A great part of Siberia was without rail 
or road except the old caravan trails. 

China was practically without railroads. 
Lhassa was unknown, forbidden to the 
white man. During a century and a half 
men had tried to reach the South Pole 
and failed, and the North Pole had baffled 
the efforts of 400 years. 

Within a dozen years white men have 
traveled over the great desert, visited 
Lake Chad, made a protectorate over 
Timbuctoo. The days of the Mahdi 
at Khartoum are ended and any tourist 
may travel there comfortably by rail. 
The Cape to Cairo railroad is an assured 
fact. The heart of Africa is now no more 
remote from the popular imagination than 
Oklahoma City was in 1900. 

In South America the Trans-Andean 
railroad is in full operation across the 
continent as the Trans-Siberian is across 
Asia. Even China has her railroads. 
Lhassa has been visited by a British army 
and both poles are the common property 
of every fireside that boasts of books, 
magazines, or newspapers. 

Such a record may justify a feeling of 
pride that the spirit of conquest and 
adventure is as alive as ever and accom- 
panied with all the courage and hardihood 
that blessed any earlier generation. 

Copyright, 1912, hy Doubleday. Page & Co. All rights reserved. 











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IN SPITE of a certain similarity — in 
that they all want tariff reduction, 
strict corporation control, etc. — the 
personal platforms of the Presidential 
candidates (given elsewhere in this num- 
ber) become very different when inter- 
preted in the light of their previous 

Governor Wilson, for example, wishes 
tariff reduction because, from his study 
of government and politics, he believes 
"protection" to be a special privilege, a 
favor to the few at the expense of the 
many. It is not a question of expediency 
with him. It is a question of morals. 
Yet he recognizes that free trade is un- 
attainable and that even the reduction 
of the tariff to a revenue basis must be 
accomplished at a pace consistent with 
business stability. 

In Governor Harmon's mind, also, the 
protective tariff is a wrong, an opportunity 
given by the Government to a favored 
few to tax the people. It is the vigorous 
tariff conviction of Cleveland's Cabinet 
that Mr. Harmon still holds. 

President Taft's views, on the other 
hand, seem to be based upon the theory 
of expediency rather than upon any belief 
in the moral iniquity of the tariff, and 
his record as a tariff reformer has not been 
a record of accomplishment. He accepted 
the Payne-Aldrich tariff and he vetoed 
the tariff reduction bills that were later 
presented to him by a Democratic House 
elected iargely in protest against the Payne 
Bill. His programme to make the tariff 
equalize the cost of production here and 
abroad is becoming untenable, for the 
Tariff Board is unable to say just what 
that difference is. The President seems 
more earnest, perhaps, about the method 
of tariff legislation than about having the 
tariff lowered. 

Mr. Roosevelt's views embody a 
schedule by schedule revision upon data 
furnished by experts, but the distinctive 
part of his programme is the insistence 
that the protection which the tariff affords 
shall be given primarily to the wage worker 
and the farmer. If employers have kept 
all the added income which the high tariff 

enabled them to get, Mr. Roosevelt sug- 
gests that some department or bureau 
of the Government shall make them share 
with labor. In other words, if it can be 
done, he wishes to have the spoils divided. 

For the regulation of corporations in 
New Jersey Governor Wilson pushed 
through a legislature in which the House 
and the Senate were of opposite parties 
a public utilities law that has been effective 
and he followed it with an employers' 
liability law. 

Governor Harmon, as Attorney-General 
in Cleveland's cabinet, won the trans- 
Missouri Freight case and began other im- 
portant cases. The Sherman law was al- 
most as much in evidence in his dayas it has 
been in Mr. Wickersham's. The Northern 
Securities case was won by Mr. Roosevelt's 
Attorney General and the Oil and Tobacco 
cases were started in his administration, 
though the decisions in these two cases 
do not satisfy him. Mr. Taft believes that 
these decisions have been effective. 

Thus all the candidates give earnest of 
a vigorous intention to prevent business 
abuses and the evils of monopoly, though 
the methods of dealing with this subject 
are less settled and defined than the 
methods of dealing with the tariff. 

Aside from the question of tariff reform 
and trust control comes the measure of 
these men by the standards of clean politics 
and the newer ideals which the agitation 
of the last decade has fostered. As 
governor of New Jersey, in spite of the 
machines of both parties, Mr. Wilson led 
the fight which gave New Jersey a new 
standard of political morals. In his ad- 
ministration a direct primary law, a 
corrupt practises act, a reformed election 
law, and a commission form of govern- 
ment act were passed. He is not tainted 
with the spoils system and he has a clean 
and forceful record of political achieve- 
ment. Governor Harmon, also, has made 
a record for himself. He has cut off waste, 
increased efficiency, and saved money in 
the government of Ohio. Unlike Governor 
Wilson, however, he is not a believer in 
new forms. He prefers the old paths of 
politics with which he has long been 
familiar to blazing now ones. 

Temperamental ly, .Mr. Taft, also, is 



not a political pioneer. He was nominated 
in 1908 by a "steam roller" prepared by 
the Roosevelt administration. A steam 
roller means patronage. He seems likely 
to be nominated again by similar tactics. 

Mr. Roosevelt on his return to politics 
is an ardent and sincere believer in the 
progressive policies of more direct popular 
rule. His voice stirred up much of the 
dissatisfaction with the old order of things. 
Yet he is a follower, not a leader, in advo- 
cating the measures of relief. More direct 
popular rule was not among the many 
policies which he set in motion during his 
Presidency. These "progressive" meas- 
ures and the reform of the tariff have 
rather forced themselves upon him. 

President Taft and Governor Harmon 
are the choice of that portion of the 
American people who are temperamentally 
conservative. Added to this disinteres- 
tedly conservative element are those who 
have had undue privileges in the past and 
do not wish them disturbed, and the bulk 
of the old party machines. 

On the other side, for Wilson and 
Roosevelt are the many who believe that 
the "deal is not square" and who wish a 
more vigorous intention to make it nearer 
so than Mr. Taft or Mr. Harmon seem to 

Yet in spite of all their differences these 
four candidates hold a more or less middle 
ground, for neither Mr. Taft nor Mr. 
Harmon is conservative enough for a good 
many men in their respective parties and 
Mr. Wilson and Mr. Roosevelt fall far 
short of the demands of the most radical. 
Mr. Roosevelt is perhaps the most radical 
of the four, Mr. Wilson next, then Mr. 
Taft, and Governor Harmon the most 


LOOKING back upon a year of 
rather subnormal business con- 
ditions and looking forward to a 
Presidential year, the industries and com- 
merce of the countrj nevertheless sho>\ .1 
quietly cheerful aspect. Bu1 a1 variance 
with this general condition is the situation 
in which the railroads find themselves. 
I he painful and laborious stud) which 

followed the railroad agitation has made it 
plain that as soon as commerce begins to 
move in record volume, the railroad facili- 
ties of the country will break down. 
They are not prepared for it and it will be 
very hard for them to prepare for it, for 
the investors of the world are not ready 
to finance the needed improvements in 
our great transportation machine. 

It is the consensus of opinion not only 
of railroad men themselves, but of bankers, 
students, economists both American and 
European, that the mere maintenance of 
the present standard of service will call for 
at least $1,000,000,000 a year of capital 
for the next five years. Moreover, the 
present equipment would utterly fail to 
give service in any trade revival of con- 
siderable importance. Unless, therefore, 
the facilities are increased our railroads, 
of which we have been prone to boast in 
the past, will be the most powerful brake 
upon the industry of the country for some 
years to come. And the facilities are not 
likely to be adequately increased, for we 
have reached a point where the credit of 
American railroads is falling in the mar- 
kets of the world. It would probably be 
almost impossible during the next few 
years to finance such an era of expansion 
as the Pennsylvania Railroad financed, 
for instance, between 1901 and 1906, or 
as the Union Pacific financed during the 
same years. Two of the big trunk lines 
of the East are to-day almost beggars in 
the markets of the world, and if there is 
any further strain we shall probably see 
within a year or two some of our best and 
oldest main line roads paying from 6 to 7 
per cent, for money. 

Already, one of the strong old railroads 
of the Middle West has been forced to 
close temporarily its best issue of bonds 
and has come into the market to pay well 
up to 5^ per cent, for money. And the 
best railroad bonds of the country are 
to-day less stable than at almost any other 
period in our financial history. Some of 
the most careful students of events are 
inclined to turn from them to other classes 
ol investments. 

The railroads in new and rapidl) grow- 
ing countries have a better chance to get 
credit than the railroads of the old and 






/< T L A S T 1 C 

O C B A X 

From a cotton circular by Theodore H. Price 



settled districts of the country, partly be- 
cause the growth of the country itself 
bolsters them up and partly because the 
pressure of industrial and commercial 
interests in their communities is for better 
service rather than for cheaper service. 
But the railroad world as a whole is in 
need of able and constructive business 
statesmanship. The bullet-headed, stupid, 
and reactionary railroad heads, luckily, 
are being crowded out to give place 
to men who can meet and treat with 
the shipping public of the United States. 
Herein lies possible salvation; but it is 
hardly too much to say that unless com- 
mon sense overrules passion and narrow 
self-interest, real prosperity cannot come 
back to American industries until we have 
passed through an era of catastrophe. 


IN 191 1 all the nations of the world ex- 
ported to other nations goods valued 
at $17,000,000,000. Fifteen years ago, 
in 1896, the total value of all the exports 
of all the nations was $7,716,000,000. The 
growth has been gradual. In spite of all 
the economic disturbances that have 
intervened, it is still going on and in all 
human probability it will be discovered 
that for every dollar of international 
trade in 1896 the nations of the world 
will enjoy an international trade of three 
dollars in 1916. 

All the world is becoming a common 
marketplace. In the last decade a tremen- 
dous area has been opened to trade. It is 
significant that even Americans, who a 
few years ago regarded the internal trade 
of the country as all sufficient and all 
important are to-day talking more and 
more of foreign trade and shaping their 
commercial policies to meet the day when 
export trade will be even more important 
than internal commerce. Slowly we are 
studying and learning the commercial 
and industrial habits of all races. We are 
shaping even our governmental policies, 
uncertain as they are, to meet the com- 
mercial necessities of an exporting nation. 
It would not be at all surprising if the man 
who writes the economic history of the 
next decade in this country should be 
obliged to call it the age of export growth 
as distinguished from the last fifteen years, 
which have undoubtedly earned the 
right to be called the era of industrial 


ONE day in February, 191 2, a New 
Jersey commuter bought a dozen 
"strictly fresh" eggs, for 50 cents. 
Among the dozen he discovered an egg 
covered with pencil marks. They turned 
out to be the name and address of a man 
in Tennessee requesting the ultimate con- 


sumer of that particular egg to write the our dollar to 71 cents — and that is the 

original seller telling him the final amount thing that we want to find out about. As 

paid for the eggs and the date on which a nation we are willing to take our chances 

they were bought. on equal terms with all the other nations 

The correspondence that followed showed of the world in the production and use of 

that these eggs had been sold in Ten- wealth, but we are not willing, unless for 

nessee early in December, 191 1, at 17 some good and sufficient reason, to find 

cents a dozen. Between that sale and ourselves handicapped in comparison with 

the purchase by the final consumer the all the other nations of the world by an 

eggs seemed to have passed through the undue tax of 12 cents in the dollar. Yet 

hands of many middlemen, including one that is the condition in which we find 

of the great cold storage companies. The ourselves. 

total toll earned by these handlers was 33 It is possible, indeed it is very probable, 

cents a dozen, or one cent less than twice that the undue rise in the cost of living 

the amount received by the farmer. here is due to our failure to adopt correc- 

It is such things that have made the tive methods and new theories of corn- 
question of the cost of living one of the merce and of barter that have been adopted 
real questions in the minds of the American with greater or less success by the people 
people to-day. And somebody has to of other lands. In Germany, for instance, 
solve it sooner or later. in almost every hamlet there are banks 

Statistics gathered from all the world that lend money to the farmer, to the little 
point with more or less certainty to the merchant, and even to the ultimate con- 
conclusion that, although in the past fifteen sumer at rates far below the rates even in 
years the rise in the cost of living abroad our well settled communities. The total 
has been about 13 per cent or a little more, of this business runs into the billions every 
the rise in the United States has been about year. Perhaps in these community banks 
40 per cent. Reduced to plain figures this and in the doctrine of thrift and care that 
means that whereas the European citizen's they teach — that they indeed enforce — 
dollar has shrunk to about 83 cents the there is a corrective for our national agri- 
American dollar, measured by purchasing cultural extravagance and for a part of 
power of necessities, has dwindled to about the ruinous burden laid upon our poorer 
71 cents during this period. community. Again, in the United King- 

What are we going to do about it? The dom there is in operation a system of co- 
answer to that question will solve all the operative stores that does a business every 
economic, commercial, and industrial prob- year of more than S500,, and that 
lems of the next few years. There is one saves more than $50,000,000 to its custo- 
thing perfectly obvious in the foreground mers, or 9 per cent, on the commodities of 
— which is that our peculiar part of the life bought through those stores. There 
problem is to discover and correct the may be something in that worth jotting 
causes that have curtailed the buying power down for comparison with our own ruinous 
of the American dollar so much faster than merchandizing system and with the puny 
that of the dollar in Europe. and half abortive efforts of our own people 

It is not the problem, nor is it the habit, to establish in this country a similar 

of the American people to worry much over system. Perhaps these things are part of 

economic causes that affeel all the world the real reason for this great difference in 

equally. The main underlying cause of the cost of living; for it is conceivable that 

the shrinking dollar all over the world is commerce in foreign countries has not 

the increasing production of gold through- permitted the growth of the power of the 

out the world, brought on by the discovery middleman, because that growth 

of the Randand b) the improved processes limited automatically by the competition 

ild mining. It accounts for the of cooperative merchandise. 

shrinkage of the I uropean dollar to 83 In any case, the facts are these: We 

cents bul most emphatically it does not are in many ways a most inefficient nation 

account lor the additional shrinkage of and our inefficiency seems to be costing 



us about twelve cents on the dollar. This 
is the fundamental reason for tariff reform, 
for a better banking system, for coopera- 
tive buying and selling — for national thrift. 


Mr. Bradford Knapp, the director of 
the Farmers' Demonstration Work, tells 
the following story of the town of Irmo 
in the Dutch Fork community in South 

There were about twenty-five farmers gath- 
ered together in the forenoon in the schoolhouse 
to hear Commissioner Watson of South Car- 
olina and myself. I had been talking at other 
places on diversified farming and the necessity 
of producing home supplies as a safe economic 
basis for farming. After making a brief 
statement I told the audience that I appre- 
ciated that they were doing many of these 
things in Dutch Fork, and that they would 
pardon me if I conducted a little quiz to find 
out just the extent of what I believed to exist 
there. So I asked them to answer my ques- 
tions by raising their hands in response to my 

I first asked them how many of them pro- 
duced all of the corn that was needed for family 
use and for feeding the livestock. Every hand 
was raised. I asked them how many of them 
grew wheat, and every hand went up. I 
asked them how many of them took their 
wheat and corn to the mill there in Dutch Fork 
and had it ground into corn meal and flour 
for the use of their families, and every hand 
was raised. I asked them how many of them 
produced their own hay, which was a material 
question in view of the fact that hay was worth 
about $35 a ton in Columbia at that time, and 
1 found that practically every farmer in that 
section produced his own hay. 1 asked them 
how many of them kept hogs and produced 
their own meat, and found that this was also 
the custom of every farmer. They also kept 
chickens. Finally, one of the farmers from 
the audience said to me: "Mr. Knapp, we 
are proud of the fact in this section that we go 
to Columbia and other market places with our 
wagons full of produce, and we come back 
with wagons empty, except for such few things 
as cannot be produced in this section." 

There is no high cost of living worth 
talking about in Dutch Fork. On the 
contrary it is such communities as Dutch 
Fork that furnish the inspiration to the 
Back-to-the-Land Movement. 

The problem is to get the food from the 
farmer to the consumer cheaper than it 
is done now. The farmer could have more 
profits on what would cost the consumer 
less money if we could learn some of the 
efficiency which is practised in Europe or, 
if this sounds unbusinesslike to some 
people, if we could devise a new brand of 
our own. 


THE strike at Lawrence, which 
appeared from a surface view to 
be like many others, is worthy of 
more careful attention because it marks 
the entrance into the East of a new ele- 
ment and a new method in labor disputes. 
The Industrial Workers of the World pro- 
moted it and their aim is not merely to 
increase wages and to secure better con- 
ditions but to own the industries them- 
selves. They hope to gain control of the 
industries by striking for increases in wages 
time after time until they get all the profit 
there is in the business and have thus 
wrested it from the control of capital. 
There are no conditions of work or wages 
which satisfy them so long as employers 
exist. Their plan is to work when nec- 
essity forces them to, merely as a tem- 
porary truce. 

The thing which the American Federa- 
tion of Labor works for — that is, agree- 
ments with employers — is directly con- 
trary to the method of the Industrial 
Workers of the World. As a body the "I. 
W. W." is irreconcilable. It refuses to 
enter into any agreements. It will sign 
nothing which does not leave its members 
free to quit work whenever they like or 
under any conditions. 

The Industrial Workers of the World 
is not a labor union like the unions of the 
American Federation of Labor. It is a 
union of socialists and its whole aim is 
socialism — that is, the control of the 
instruments of production by the labor 
classes. Its propaganda is as contrary 
to that of the Federation of Labor as it is 
to the interests of the employers; and 
this explains the hostility to the Lawrence 
strike that has been shown by President 
Gompers, and by such union leaders as 
John Golden of the National Textile 



Workers. The demand of the strikers in 
Lawrence was for certain specific increases 
in wages, but the motive behind it was to 
begin a campaign for the ownership of the 
machinery of production by the Industrial 
Workers of the World. Whatever were 
the conditions in Lawrence, therefore, 
they were not entirely the cause of the 
strike. "The battle-field," as William 
D. Haywood, a moving spirit of the In- 
dustrial Workers, called it, might have 
been selected at almost any other place 
with equal justification, so far as its 
propaganda is concerned. 

The specific cause of the strike was an 
act of the Massachusetts legislature which 
lowered the legal hours of work for women 
and children from 56 to 54 hours a week. 
When this law went into effect, the 
operatives were notified that as the hours 
had been reduced two hours a week their 
wages would be correspondingly reduced. 
The operatives, who included a large 
number of non-English speaking people, 
had assumed that the act of the legisla- 
ture had raised their rate of pay, and on 
receiving notice to the contrary struck. 
There has been a good deal of loose talk 
about the low rate of wages in Lawrence, 
and the Tariff Board's report indicates 
that the average wage is not high. On 
the other hand, the foreign operatives in 
Lawrence have been in the habit of send- 
ing about $700,000 yearly to European 
relations and the savings banks of that 
city have deposits of nearly $21,000,000. 

But these aspects of the Lawrence strike 
are not the most important. The main 
point is that a new, irreconcilable, and 
militant organization has come among 
the workers in the East. Its success at 
Lawrence may be a prophecy of similar 
strikes elsewhere. 


TIIF Forty-fourth Ellsworth Zouaves 
were a famous regimenl during 
the Civil War. At their fiftieth 
anniversary the veterans of this regiment 
recounted its services at such battles as 
Hanover Court I louse. Fredericksbi 
Gettysburg, Bull Run, the Seven Days 
around Richmond, and in many other 
engagements. Theirs was a distinguished 

patriotism in battle. The survivors still 
maintain that high standard, as the 
following excerpt from their resolutions 
shows : 

Resolved, That the veterans of the 44th N. V. 
Vol. Infantry on this the fiftieth anniversary 
of the organization of the regiment are very 
thankful to our Government for its great gen- 
erosity in so liberally bestowing pensions on 
the soldiers and sailors who served in our late 
Civil War. 

Resolved, That we believe the generosity of 
our Government has been imposed upon by 
certain dishonest men for selfish purposes, and 
we therefore respectfully request: That the 
pension rolls of the Civil War be carefully 
examined and revised by the proper authorities 
and made rolls of honor of which no American 
citizen need be ashamed. 

Resolved, That we respect fully request that 
the names of all pensioners of the Army and 
Navy who served during the Civil War, with 
reasons for and amount of pension, be published 
in suitable volumes and furnished the State 
libraries of the various States of the Union 
where they can be freely examined by the 

Resolved, That the Senators and Congress- 
men of the State of New York be requested 
to use their influence to have the resolutions 
carried out by our Government. 

The resolutions were read a second time, 
seconded and after brief discussion unanimously 

The World's Work has many letters 
from other veterans to show that the men 
who bore the brunt of the fighting in the 
Civil War do not want a secret pension 
list, and particularly a secret pension list 
honeycombed with fraud. And in some 
ways it seems as if it were a more excep- 
tional courage and patriotism to stand out 
inst the pension lobby and for a clean 
pension roll than it was to serve in the 
war, for certainly the members of Congress 
would not be as supine in War as they 
are before the pension clamor. And just 
as certainly many vote for such a bill as 
the Sherwood Service Pension bill when 
in their hearts they do not believe in it. 
Privately many admit its iniquity. Pub- 
licly the) lack the courage. When they 
fail it is pleasant to see the real old soldier 
asking that the I, si be kept clean of fraudu- 
lent names. 



WORCESTER, Mass., is a city of > T~ A 1 
thrifty and intelligent people 
and presumably its food supply X 

HE TRIAL of self government in 
Mexico is at its crisis. President 
Diaz did not believe that Mexico 

is about as pure as the normal American was ready for it. President Madero has 

town's. Just before Easter two investiga- honestly tried to let the people rule and 

tors went among the Worcester shops the experiment has been fraught with 

collecting samples of food. Easter con- difficulties. When he was inaugurated 

fectionery was everywhere displayed and he took office over: 

tempting things to eat were arranged be- 1 . Several millions of citizens who were 

hind polished windows. The samples trustfully waiting for the Government to 

which the investigators bought, when give them free farms, stocked and equipped 

analyzed, showed that : and exempt from taxes forever. For many 

(1) The Easter eggs contained stearic of the poorer Mexicans had come to be- 
acid, carpenter's glue, glucose, coal-tar lieve that the political freedom of which 
dye, and soap-stone; they heard so much in the Revolution 

(2) The Easter rabbits contained car- was going to benefit them in much the 
penter's glue, glucose, coal-tar dyes, and same way that the Negroes believed that 
ethereal flavors; freedom was going to affect them after 

(3) The Easter chicks contained the the Civil War, when thousands looked for- 
same; ward hopefully to receiving "forty acres 

(4) The maraschino cherries had been and a mule" from the Government; 
bleached with sulphurous acid, dyed with 2. An incipient revolution being hatched 
analine, and preserved with benzoate of from Texas by Emilio Vasquez Gomez, 
soda; who had been one of Madero's supporters 

(5) The lemon pie contained glycerine, and a member of the Republic's provi- 
glucose; oil of lemon, starch, coal-tar dye, sional cabinet; 

and benzoate of soda. 3. Thousands of men who had helped 

This is by no means all the list of Madero oust Diaz — or protested that 

adulterations but it is enough to show what they had — and who were demanding 

the people of Worcester have been getting political jobs, the spoils of victory; 

in their food. With a few exceptions, 4. A large number of adherents of the 

where the towns themselves have enforced old regime who distrusted Madero's ability 

purity, the rest of the country is in much to control the situation and who were 

the same condition. This may seem sur- disgruntled with him for disturbing the 

prising when the national Food and Drug former comfortable order; 

Act is still on the statute books and so soon 5. A large but indifferent element of the 

after a great popular demonstration forced population composed of the more solid 

the President to dismiss the trumped up and substantial part of the country who 

charges against Dr. Wiley. Yet it is true, wanted peace, favored the reign of law 

as Dr. Wiley expressed it, that the pure and order but were unwilling to take 

food law was paralyzed. His efforts were any active measure to help Madero or 

thwarted at every turn. The Bureau of any one else; ■ 

Chemistry under him spent $1,190,784 in 6. Uncounted thousands of vicious men 

preparing 6,206 cases against food frauds, who, in times gone by, had been kept 

Every one of them was suppressed. The within bounds only by fear of Diaz's iron 

authors of the malicious charges against hand and who had ever)-ththg to gain 

Dr. Wiley are still in the Department and nothing to lose by disorder. A good 

of Agriculture. Dr. Wiley has resigned, example of this class is the brigand Zapata, 

The pure food law is in the hands of its who has long disturbed the peace of the 

enemies. It will take another campaign, state of Morelos; 

another popular awakening, to save it, to 7. Lastly, an irreconcilable, irrespon- 

bring it to life again. sible, and mischievous press that had never 



before been free and that abused its newly 
acquired liberty by unwarranted license. 

Such were the conditions when Madero 
became President. They pointed certainly 
to the fact that before things could get 
much better they would have to get worse. 
This was exactly what happened. 
Zapata's uprising in Morelos grew more 
menacing, the Gomez conspiracy in the 
North became more formidable, and 
Pasqual Orozco, who had supported 
Madero's revolution, turned against the 
new President because the Government 
had refused to pay him 50,000 pesos 
for services rendered and property loss 
suffered in the revolution, he who 
eighteen months before had been a 
mule-driver. Madero had also to con- 
lend with the criticisms of the better 
portion of the population, and with the 
growing discontent among the peons 
because their hopes of free land and no 
taxes were not realized. 

Then came the proclamation from 
Washington. It turned the tide and 
aroused the better portion of the Mexicans 
to help the Government. Rightly or 
wrongly, many Mexicans believed that 
the proclamation was the prelude to 
intervention, and no Mexican, whatever 
side he was on, wished intervention. The 
press began to advise the people to stand 
behind the Government. A report that 
the National Treasury was depleted and 
had been refused loans abroad gave the 
Government an opportunity to publish 
cablegrams from important banking groups 
in New York offering the Government 
funds whenever it should need them. 
The army operations against Zapata seem 
to have been fairly successful. But all 
this would have helped more had it come 
s< mner. The Orozco uprising in the 
North increased to formidable propor- 
tions. The revolution. ir\ armies defeated 
the Federal troops in several engagements 
ami threw the capital into a panic. Arms 
were shipped to the Americans in the City 
of Mexico and American troops were held 
in readiness to intervene. 

.Madmi has a tremendous problem on 
his hands He seems to have made an 
extraordinary beginning toward its solu- 
tion, for ii" country torn asunder b\ a 

successful revolution settles down quietly, 
and particularly no Latin American coun- 
try. As a foundation for his efforts 
Madero has one great asset: he was 
elected by a free and untrammelled elec- 
tion, the first that has been held in Mexico 
in many, many years. Moreover, he has 
a tremendous faith in his people and he is 
showing it by trying to give them real 
representative government, which they 
did not get under Diaz. He has stead- 
fastly asserted his belief that the Mexican 
people are read}' for democratic govern- 
ment, that they would respond to and be 
appreciative of fair and kind treatment. 
In a measure, they have not disappointed 
him, for the bulk of the people are with 
him and have not risen in rebellion. They 
as well as he are on trial. 


There are many Americans in Mexico 
and a good deal of American money and 
yet intervention in Mexico is only to be 
thought of as a last resort. We, who had 
difficulty in gathering even a passable 
division of the army in Texas last summer, 
are hardly prepared to send 100,000 men 
to make good our authority in Mexico. 
Many military critics estimate that such 
a number would be necessary. Interven- 
tion in Mexico would be a costly and 
troublesome task. Beyond that, it would 
irretrievably damage our budding oppor- 
tunity for trade and friendly relations 
with the Latin-American countries to the 
south of us in which Secretary Root and 
Secretary Knox have given so much effort 
These countries suspect our motives and 
intentions, and our intervention in .Mexico 
would give the anti-American feeling 
much fuel on which to burn. 


CHINA, like .Mexico, has destroyed 
the old fabric of its government, 
uncovered its discontent, and laid 
ban- its troubles. Elsewhere in this maga- 
zine Mr. Ng Poon Chew tells the story of 
this upheaval as it is known to the 
revolutionists. China is now only at the 
mning of the convalescent period after 
the operation of revolution. Manx diffi- 
culties and perils surround the new Govern- 



ment but there is a great hope that the 
one operation will be all that is needed. 

One fact is quite sure: The trans- 
formation of the oldest empire into the 
youngest republic has been accomplished in 
the incredibly short period of four months. 

In September began serious troubles in 
Szec-huen, that most populous and west- 
ernmost of the provinces of China. The 
cause of these troubles has been- little 
touched on in the press. The failure of 
a potato crop helped bring on the French 
Revolution. The floods of the Yang-tze 
had a similar effect in China. The annual 
flooding of the river and its tributaries 
is an act of God furthered by the complete 
deforestation of the watershed by pre- 
ceding generations. But the Chinese peo- 
ple have only recently begun to realize 
that the Government which took all their 
taxes has never taken seasonable pre- 
cautions to restrict these recurrent and 
avoidable disasters, but has left the labor 
of relieving the appalling consequent 
suffering to the foreign missionaries and 
to foreign state philanthropy. This same 
government, moreover, had been Wrang- 
ling for nearly two years with an inter- 
national syndicate of British, German, 
French, and American bankers over the 
financing of a great railroad system that 
was to exploit Sze-chuen, together with 
the adjoining provinces of Hu-nan and 
Hu-peh, the commercial and political cen- 
tre of which district is the group of cities 
referred to collectively as Han-kow. The 
people of these provinces were not, and 
are not, opposed to railroads; but their 
state of mind may be appreciated when, 
after the long and undignified squabble 
over the terms and the partition of the 
loan, it developed that all the direct, and 
most of the indirect, profits of the huge 
joint enterprise, secured on the provincial 
revenues, were to be entirely divided 
between the Peking Government and the 
foreign banks. 

When in September it developed, on 
top of the floods and the railway bitter- 
ness and the famine, that Manchu officials 
were implicated in an extensive corner of 
the wheat and rice markets, some seventy 
million Szechuenese began to demand the 
reason why, in a very bitter state of mind. 

Then came the execution of four Sze-chuen 
patriots, caught spreading their propa- 
ganda down the river. This was the last 
straw. The Wu-chang garrison started 
the revolution by murdering their Manchu 
officers and starting a general massacre 
of all Manchus in that city. 

In three days it became clear that this 
was by far the most serious outbreak in 
China since the Taiping rebellion. More 
than that it became at once evident that 
a great revolutionary fabric, already 
secretly perfected, had accepted this 
chance opportunity to uncover itself. 


In this brief revolution of four months 
the political and constitutional phases 
assume greater importance than the mili- 
tary achievement. Of actual fighting 
there has been very little beyond the brief 
but severe engagements in and about 
Han-kow and the siege of Nan-king, and 
although the Chinese have shown real 
bravery and patriotism in action, nothing 
has yet occurred to change the verdict 
of foreign attaches as to the inefficiency 
of Chinese military affairs. No great 
military leader was developed, with the 
possible exception of General Li Yuan- 
hung, the rebel chief, the first real per- 
sonality to emerge from the smoke. 


Within two weeks of the Han-kow 
massacre Yuan Shih-kai, who, on the 
accession of the Regent after the death 
of the Empress Dowager in 1909, had been 
banished in disgrace, was recalled to power 
as the one man who could save the Empire. 
Since the 28th of October he has remained 
the dominating personality in China. He 
did all he could to save the Manchus. 
Under his direction and advice the Regent 
promptly dismissed Sheng, the hated 
official who had concluded with the foreign 
banks the terms of the Hu-kuan loan. 
The National Assembly, which had not 
met since its first convention in October, 
1 9 10, was called together at Peking, and 
in its second session obtained all the 
reforms it asked for, including a con- 
stitution and the expulsion of Manchu 
officials from the Central Government, the 



concessions being accompanied by an 
abject apology from the now tottering 
Regency. For the first time in history 
the voice of the people of China was 
heeded and obeyed. 

But, as in the French Revolution, the 
concessions came too late. Yuan could 
not save the Empire. Then followed 
one of the most extraordinary events ever 
witnessed in a revolution — the resigna- 
tion of Dr. Sun Yat-Sen from the Presi- 
dency of the Republic. More than any 
other individual he had kept alive the 
cause of revolution during many years 
of apparent failure. During a life of 
exile in foreign lands, with a price set upon 
his head, he had continued to spread his 
propaganda and accumulate money and 
munitions of war. His picturesque career 
and the methods he employed made him 
the most generally known of all the Chinese 
Revolutionists, and it seemed that he had 
at last achieved the supreme reward when, 
in December, he was elected by the 
revolted provinces President of the 
Provisional Republic of China, thus suc- 
ceeding General Li, whose Presidency had 
been by proclamation. 

Nothing in his extraordinary career 
so much became this Chinese patriot 
as this voluntary withdrawal in the 
hour of his triumph. 1 le recognized the 
greater fitness of a man beloved by 
Alanchus and Chinese alike, who possesses 
the confidence of foreign powers, and who 
has conclusively demonstrated his ability 
in the highest administrative positions, 
military and civil. On the ioth of 
March, Yuan Shik-kai took the oath of 
office at Peking and was inaugurated to the 
first real Presidency of what may now be 
called the Republic of China. 


That marked the end of the revolution. 
Now comes the period of upbuilding. 

As this number of the World's Work 
goes to press Yuan seems almost over- 
whelmed by difficulties. His Government 
has not as yet been formally recognized 
by any of the Powers; a body of now 
independent soldiers variously estim 
as between 200,000 and 500,000 in number 
is idk- and unpaid. A formidable mutiny 

has taken place in Peking and a Manchu 
general has raised an Imperialist army in 
Shen-si province with the avowed intention 
of restoring the fallen dynasty. This 
last may be ignored; China has passed 
beyond the Manchus. The same four 
Powers whose finance was instrumental 
in precipitating the revolution are now 
in a position to assist in the restoring of 
order and in the Homeric task of recon- 
struction. One of the by-products of the 
revolution was the calling forth, in re- 
sponse to Secretary Knox's note, of another 
expression of good-will on the part of the 
six powers chiefly interested in China, 
whose integrity, in her time of distress, 
was thus insured. As in Mexico, there 
are many difficulties ahead of the new 
Government but also many fundamental 
reasons for hope of its success. 


ELSEWHERE in this magazine, 
Mr. Henry H. Saylor describes 
the design for the impressive 
national memorial to Lincoln that the 
Fine Arts Commission has chosen from a 
competition of the foremost American 
architects. This design is by Mr. Henry 
Bacon, and the site is the Mall in Wash- 
ington City. 

The membership of the Fine Arts Com- 
mission includes many of the most famous 
artists, architects, and sculptors in the 
United States. Every precaution of de- 
liberation, publicity, and authoritative 
judgment has been taken to make sure 
that this tribute to Lincoln's memory 
shall be worthy of its august subject and 
of the great nation that will build it. And 
yet it is entirely possible that this reasoned 
and orderly judgment may be reversed 
and that this whole conception be aban- 
doned. For almost every imaginable type 
of memorial has its advocates before 
•ress. from a careful reproduction of 
; cabin, to a road between Washington 
and Gettysburg. So-called architectural 
monuments resembling railroad stations. 
apartment houses, and what not, have 
been advocated by enthusiastic supporters, 
with a suggestion of a vocational school 
s\ stem thrown in by way of variety. 

Perhaps the most formidable rival of 



the Mall design, is the proposed road 
between Washington and Gettysburg. 
Aside from the practical consideration 
of cost — estimated at $34,000,000 as 
compared with the $2,000,000 appro- 
priated by Congress — there are several 
obvious objections to the scheme. First, 
such a highway would be accessible only 
to motoring visitors; second, there seems 
no more valid reason why the nation should 
build a roadway for Maryland and 
Pennsylvania than that it should thread 
together the towns in Sangamon County 
that are associated with Lincoln's early 
life; and third, it is not possible to build 
a highway that would serve to arouse in 
the minds of visitors the faintest sug- 
gestion of the honor and reverence that 
the nation wishes to symbolize in its tribute 
to Lincoln's memory. 

And it is worth while in building a 
national monument to such a man as 
Lincoln to use the best brains of the 
country so that generations after genera- 
tions here may feel proud of it and the 
people of the artistic nations of Europe 
may admire it. 


IN ANY campaign for sanitation and 
healthful conditions in the city or the 
country, getting rid of the fly is abso- 
lutely necessary. At best the fly is a 
nasty insect carrying filth from the 
filthiest sources and depositing it on our 
food — a habit that alone warrants its 
extermination — and at its worst it is a 
carrier of germs of disease. To the 
activities of flies whole epidemics of 
typhoid fever have been traced and many 
cases of other diseases. 

It is possible both to prevent flies and 
to get rid of them. In this number of the 
World's Work is a little article explaining 
in a simple way what every house-holder 
can do to exterminate the pest. In next 
month's number a similar article will 
point the way for their extermination by 
community action. 

These articles embody as much informa- 
tion as can well be given in magazine 
form, but if any one wishes to go deeper 
into the matter, the Health Departments 
of many of the states issue bulletins on 

fly extermination, and the Fly-Fighting 
Committee of the American Civic Asso- 
ciation under the chairmanship of Mr. 
Edward Hatch at 156 Fifth Avenue, New 
York, are conducting a campaign of in- 
formation against this common enemy 
— the most insidious carrier of filth and 
disease that there is. 


A HEALTH officer in Wilmington, 
N. C, has cleaned up a city. A 
health officer in Louisiana has 
cleaned up a state. The work of the Rocke- 
feller commission has rid thousands upon 
thousands of people of the hookworm. We 
are at the beginning of the era of health — 
not merely personal health, but community, 
state, and national health. The Nation 
can do much to help if the bill to establish 
a proper Bureau of Health now before 
Congress can be passed. The state officers 
can likewise do a great deal, and special 
organizations combatting such diseases 
as hookworm and tuberculosis, or such 
efforts as the National Civic Federation 
is making to get rid of the typhoid (com- 
mon house) fly, can save millions of lives. 
But in the final analysis the opportunity to 
make each community healthful rests 
with the community itself. 

To find out what has been done and 
what is being done and to publish it as 
an encouragement to other efforts, the 
World's Work offers two prizes of $100 
each; the first for the best article telling 
how a city or town of less than 30,000 
people was made healthful and sanitary; 
the second for the best article telling how 
a rural community was made healthful 
and sanitary. 

All manuscripts submitted for these 
prizes should be not less than 3,000 nor 
more than 5,000 words in length. They 
should be addressed to the Health De- 
partment of the World's Work and 
mailed so that they will reach Garden City 
before the 25th of May. 

If any of the other manuscripts besides 
those to which the prizes are awarded 
seem so good as to demand publication 
the magazine reserves the right to keep 
them and to send the author a second 
prize of half the amount of the first prize. 



THE following summary, taken 
from the messages and speeches 
of President Taft, is endorsed 
by Hon. Wm. B. McKinley, 
Chairman of the Taft com- 
mittee, as representing the position of 
President Taft on the subjects mentioned: 


In his message to Congress, December 
5, 191 1, President Taft discussed the 
trust question at length. He approved 
the Sherman anti-trust law as an effective 
instrument for the regulation of trusts. 
He cited the decisions of the Supreme 
Court in the Standard Oil and Tobacco 
cases as evidences of the effectiveness of 
the law. 

Again the President said that "mere 
size is no sin against the law," and 
pointed out that it was not the size 
of the corporation which was contrary to 
law, but that only when the combination 
is more for the purpose of creating a com- 
bination controlling prices and creating 
a monopoly the statute is contravened. 
President Taft favored the enactment of 
a law which shall describe and denounce 
unfair methods of competition. He recom- 
mended voluntary federal incorporation 
of companies in trade in commerce among 
the states and also a federal corporation 
commission. "Such a bureau or com- 
mission," he said, "might well be invested 
with the duty of aiding the courts in the 
dissolution and re-creation of trusts within 
the law." 


Presidenl raft's latesl mteiance on 
the tariff was delivered at the Union 
League Club, Chicago, March o. 1012. 

"We ought to have," he said, "some 
means of knowing from facts ascertained 
by impartial tribunals what we are doing 
when we are changing the tariff law. 
Nothing interferes so much with business 

{Continued on 


The following is an authorized summary 
of the views of former President Roosevelt : 


Mr. Roosevelt takes direct issue with 
Mr. Taft as to the effectiveness of the 
Sherman anti-trust law as administered 
under the present administration in the 
regulation of trusts. He regards the 
decree entered by the court against the 
Tobacco trust as probably, in all the 
history of the American law, the decree 
that has been most preposterously in- 
effective in producing its desired purpose. 
The way in which the proceedings by the 
present administration have been con- 
ducted against the Standard Oil and To- 
bacco trusts have probably shown the law 
at its worst, but in any event have shown 
the law to be utterly ineffective in its 
purpose. The decrees have unquestion- 
ably benefited the big magnates in both 
the Standard Oil Company and Tobacco 
trust and injured the small stockholders 
and consumers. Mr. Roosevelt has con- 
tinually, as President and since, urged a 
policy of control of great combinations of 
wealth, this control to be radical, thor- 
oughgoing, and effective as the control 
over the national banks and over the rail- 
roads doing an interstate business; and on 
March 28, 1908, in his message he pointed 
out that the present anti-trust law is drawn 
in such form as to become ineffective or 
else mischievous. The results of the 
proceedings against the Standard Oil and 
Tobacco trusts show that Mr. Roosevelt 
was exactly right in these conclusions. 


.Mr. Roosevelt has consistently advoc- 
ated a tariff commission of experts in 
accordance with whose findings the tariff 
should be revised, schedule by schedule, 
each revision being determined with ab- 
solute justice on its own merits. Mr. 
Taft is now sound on this principle, but 

page 22) 




In an address at Nashville, Tenn., on In his speech before the Democratic 

February 24, 1912, Governor Wilson said: Club of East Saint Louis, January 12, 1912, 

Governor Harmon spoke as follows: 


" If you want to cure men of joy riding 
you won't break up their automobiles, but 
catch the men that do the joy riding and 
see that these very useful and pleasant 
vehicles of our modern life are left for 
legitimate uses. If you want to stop joy 
riding in corporations — for that is what 
is being done — you will not break up the 
corporations; we may need to use them; 
but you will break up the game, namely, 
that use of corporations. With the neces- 
sary legislation, we can say that a corpor- 
ation, so long as it acts within the limits 
of the law, is something we won't look in- 
side of. But the minute somebody in- 
side begins to use it for purposes he has 
no right to use it for, then we are going 
to turn it inside out and see who is inside. 
Anything that is wrong must have origin- 
ated with some person in particular. 
When you have found that person and 
given him a season to think it over in the 
penitentiary the thing will be stopped, and 
business will be relieved of the embarrass- 
ment of breaking up its organization in 
order to stop these practices." 


In an address at Nashville, on February 
24, 19 1 2, Governor Wilson said: 

"In field after field of our economic 
exchanges, competition has ceased to deter- 
mine price. Monopoly in one form or 
another has taken the place of competition, 
and now, without competition, these 
gentlemen who lie so snugly behind the 
high wall of protection are determining 
arbitrarily what the prices of everything 
from food stuffs up are to be." 

In an address before the National Demo- 
cratic Club in New York on January 3, 
19 1 2, Governor Wilson said: 

"All the lifeblood of the country is 



"Now we find the business of the entire 
country disturbed and halting because 
this wretched system of favor taxes has 
brought its certain result. Unnatural 
competition was stimulated by these and 
then suppressed by the formation of 
trusts and combinations, in order that 
dividends might not cease on stock which 
was the capitalization of this special 
advantage. Instead of cutting off the 
source by reforming the tariff it was sought 
to control the stream by forbidding these 
trusts and combinations. 

" It is significant that the Sherman anti- 
trust law and the McKinley tariff law were 
under consideration at the same time and 
passed at the same session. That tariff 
law went far beyond earlier laws in the 
bestowal of special favors. There was 
plain warning of its evil effect and the 
leaders did not dare face the country on it 
without a law to prevent stifling the com- 
petition from which great benefits were 
promised to the people. For the only 
element of harm in devices to restrain 
trade and secure monopoly lies in their 
effect on competition. 

"So we are confronted with a delicate 
and difficult situation which it will tax our 
skilJ, wisdom, and patience to handle so 
as to let the natural, healthy forces of 
industry and commerce get into action 
again, without needless injury to legiti- 
mate business in removing the obstruc- 

"The first step, surely, must be to re- 
deem the tariff from its perverted use and 
restore it to its proper place as a revenue 
measure, by gradual reduction so that all 
concerned may have time to prepare for 
the change. With the chief cause of the 
trouble thus removed 1 believe we shall 
on page 2)) 





as changing the tariff, upon which all 
business rests, without knowing what the 
facts are." 

This statement is in keeping with the 
veto messages of President Taft when he 
refused to approve the different tariff 
bills sent to him during the special session 
of Congress of 1911. The President 
was an earnest advocate of a Tariff Com- 
mission, and although the Tariff Board was 
not all he wanted in that direction, he 
set it at work gathering facts and statis- 
tics on different tariff schedules and sent 
the results to Congress when completed, 
recommending that the tariff be revised 
in accordance with the findings of the 
Board. President Taft has always de- 
clared for the principles of protection, 
the rates of duty to be measured by the 
difference in cost of production at home 
and abroad. He always has said that an 
impartial commission is best fitted to 
ascertain such differences. He has often 
commended the present tariff law as the 
best that has ever been enacted both as 
a revenue producer and a measure of pro- 
tection, and though never asserting that it 
was perfect, has insisted that it should not 
be amended without adequate information 
after impartial investigation. 


In a speech at Columbus, O., August 19, 
1907, when Mr. Taft was Secretary of 
War, he criticized Mr. Bryan's demand 
for the referendum (initiative was not 
mentioned) and said: "We must call upon 
fourteen millions of electors to legislate 
directly. Could any more burdensome 
or inefficient method be devised than this:' 
I believe that a referendum made under 
certain conditions and limitations in a 
subdi\ ision of a Stale on certain issues may 
be healthful and useful, but as applied to 
our National Government it is entirelj 

President lal't vetoed the joint resolu- 
tion admitting Arizona as a state solely 
on the ground thai the constitution of the 
proposed state provided for the recall of 

(Concluded on 


he took no pains whatever, he made no 
effort whatever, to have it introduced into 
Congress while he had the power. More- 
over he does not now show the slightest 
understanding of the point which Mr. 
Roosevelt insists upon as fundamental, 
namely, the point that the tariff shall be 
continued primarily in the interest of the 
wage worker and the farmer. Mr. Roose- 
velt has recently written to the North- 
western Agriculturist stating anent reci- 
procity with Canada that, in any future 
agreement to revise the tariff in any way 
whatever, the revision must be made in 
such a way that the farmer does not bear 
the whole burden; that, on the contrary, 
he simply pays his fair share and gets his 
fair share in return. I n his speech at Sioux 
Falls, September 3, 1910, Air. Roosevelt 
said: " It should be the duty of some gov- 
ernment department or bureau to inves- 
tigate the conditions in the various pro- 
tected industries and see that the laborers 
really are getting the benefit of the tariff 
supposed to be enacted in their interests, 
and if from any investigation of a certain 
industry it appears that the tariff supposed 
to be imposed for the benefit of the wage 
worker results in such shape that the bene- 
fit does not reach him, the tariff on that 
industry should be taken off." 


In his Columbus speech. February 21, 
191 j. Mr. Roosevelt said: " I believe in the 
initiative and referendum, which should 
not be used to destroy representative 
government, but to correct it whenever 
it becomes misrepresentative. The power 
in invoke such direct action, both by the 
initiative and referendum, should be pro- 
vided in such fashion as to prevent its 
being wantonly or too frequently used. 
In short, I believe that the initiative and 
referendum should be used, not as a sub- 
stitute for representative government, 
but as methods of making such govern- 
ment really representative." 

Mr. Roosevelt, referring to the Dred 
Scott decision, said that under our federal 




being drained from the farms into the make our way safely back to normal con- 
factories. A great many of the morbid ditions. But, as Jackson said, we must all 
conditions of our society are due to this 'lay aside mere local considerations, and 
same excessive fostering of one stage of act with the patriotic determination to 
national life at the expense of the other, promote the great interests of the whole.'" 
And now we have stimulated it so much 

that we have not a large enough market THE TARIFF 

for the means of disposing of the surplus In the course of his speech at Baltimore, 

product January 17, 191 1, Governor Harmon 

"We talk about American laborers referred, in part, to the tariff as follows: 
competing with the pauper labor of Eu- "We believe the raising of public 

rope. Haven't you known a machine that revenue to be the proper object of all 

cost $500 to compete successfully with a taxation; that, whatever the process, the 

machine that cost $50 that did so much government can and does tax nobody but 

more and better work? its own citizens, from whom comes every 

'The most beautiful theory of all is the dollar it gets; that tariff taxes, being laid 

theory of the cost of production. The on articles for consumption, apportion 

Republican party said they wanted to themselves among the people according 

proportion protection — proportion rate to the amounts consumed, so that levying 

of duty to the difference in the cost of them properly means an adjustment of 

production between the foreign manu- burdens among consumers, according to 

facturer and the domestic manufacturer, their ability to pay, and not a distribution 

Which foreign manufacturer and which among manufacturers of rights to collect 

domestic manufacturer? Where is your tribute from consumers; that what the 

standard in the difference in cost of pro- Government needs is known and the way 

duction? to collect it without injustice to any citizen 

"The theory of the Republican party is easily found, while no man or body of 

has been, if you make the great captains men can discover or apply a proper rule 

of industry rich, they will make the coun- for levying taxes on all citizens for the 

try rich. It is not so benefit of a few, and, besides, what is 

" Now what are we going to do? I wish wrong cannot be made right by the way 

I might hope that our grandchildren could it is done; that taxes on imports for needed 

indulge in free trade, but I am afraid that public revenue afford the only advantage 

even they cannot, because it is likely that to American manufacturers which the 

for an indefinite period we shall have to Government can justly give, or that the 

pay our national bills by duties collected country ought to be burdened with, in 

at the ports. Therefore, we are to act view of the cost and risk of the long ship- 

upon the fundamental principle of the ment imported goods must undergo; and 

Democratic party, not free trade, but that American labor does not get the bene- 

tariff for revenue, and we have got to ap- fit of exactions from the people demanded 

proach that by such avenues, by such and authorized in its pretended interest." 

stages, and at such a pace as will be con- INITIATIVE , referendum, and recall 
sistent with the stability and safety of the 

business of the country." In his speech before the Constitutional 

Convention of Ohio, February 8, 191 2, 

initiative, referendum, and recall Governor Harmon spoke as follows: 

The following is taken from a published " 1 am not convinced that the initiative 

letter from Gov. Woodrow Wilson to Prof, and referendum, applied generally to sub- 

R. H. Dabney of the University of Virginia : jects of legislation, would be an improve- 

" About the initiative, referendum, and ment on our system of government by 

(Concluded on page 24) 

2 4 




judges. "This provision of the consti- 
tution," said the President, "in its appli- 
cation to county and state judges, seems 
to me so pernicious in its effect, so destruc- 
tive of independence in the judiciary, so 
likely to subject the rights of the individual 
to the possible tyranny of a popular ma- 
jority, and, therefore, so injurious to the 
cause of free government that I must dis- 
approve of the constitution containing it." 
At Toledo, O., March 8, 1912, he said: 
" A most serious objection to the recall 
of decisions is that it destroys all prob- 
ability of consistency in constitutional 


Finally, I ask, what is the necessity for 
such a crude, revolutionary, fitful, and 
unstable way of reversing judicial con- 
struction? ... I do not hesitate to 
say that it lays the ax at the foot of the 
tree of well-ordered freedom and subjects 
the guaranties of life, liberty, and property 
without remedy to the fitful impulse of a 
temporary majority of an electorate." 


system the remedy for such a wrong as 
Lincoln described was very difficult, but 
that "the decision of a state court on a 
constitutional question should be subject 
to revision by the people of the state." 
If such a decision should be reversed, "the 
popular verdict should be accepted as 
final, and the construction of the constitu- 
tion definitely decided — subject only to 
the action of the Supreme Court of the 
United States." Mr. Roosevelt has per- 
fectly clearly stated his position regarding 
the recall. He states that our aim is to 
get the best type of judge and keep him on 
the bench as long as possible, and if neces- 
sary take off the bench the wrong type of 
judge. But the question of applying the 
recall in any shape is one of expediency, 
merely. He does not believe in applying it 
where it is possible to avoid it. But that 
sooner than permit the continuance of a 
system by which unworthy and corrupt 
judges persist on the bench he would favor 
any necessary method of removing them. 



recall: I surrendered to the facts. My representatives, which, while it has short- 
whole pre-possession — my whole reason- comings like all human institutions, I do 
ing — was against these things. But when not believe has proved a failure. 
1 came into contact with candid, honest, 'The measure is confessedly an experi- 
public spirited men who could speak (with ment, and as several states have recently 
regard, for example, to Oregon) from undertaken it, my attitude is like that of 
personal observation and experience, they 'the man from Missouri.' I have always 
floored me flat with their narration of what found it wiser to profit by the experience 
had actually happened. I found in the of others, in matters of doubt, when 1 
men who had advocated these things, who could, rather than by my own. And no 
had put them into operation, and who had one can justly claim that this new depar- 
accomplished things by them, not critics ture in government has yet passed the 
or opponents of representative govern- experimental stage in other states. 
ment, but men who were eager to restore " It is a safe rule to judge others by one's 
it where it had been lost. self, and 1 gravely question whether, as a 

" Each state must judge for itself . I do private citizen immersed in business and 

not see how it could be made a subject personal a (Tans. I should be able, however 

of national policy. willing, to devote to a proposed measure — 

"The recall of judges 1 am absolutely unless it were a very simple one involving 

against, and always have been. It is a no details — the study of its own provisions 

remedy for a symptom, not for a disease. and of their effect on other laws or sub- 

" As for the recall, it is seldom used jects, which is required to qualify one to 

outside the municipalities. It is merely take part in the important work of legis- 

'a gun behind the door.'" lating for a great commonwealth." 


A MAN from Pennsylvania sat 
in a brokerage office in New 
York a month or so ago talk- 
ing things over with the head 
of the firm. He had never 
done business with that house before and 
was not sure whether he would this time. 
He had come frankly asking advice and 
counsel. This was what he heard: 

"Your investment is unsound from top 
to bottom because you have disregarded 
two fundamentals. In the first place there 
is not a security on this list that can be 
sold in any marketplace. In the second 
place, you are making altogether too much 
money for safety!" 

" Howdo you mean, 'too much money'?" 
asked the visitor. 

The experienced financial man laughed. 
"Well," he said, "you seem to me to ex- 
pect to make as much money out of your 
investment as though you went into busi- 
ness with it. You seem to think that if 
you lend a man the money for business 
purposes he ought to pay you about 1 5 per 
cent, a year for the use of it. Yet you 
know perfectly well, because you are a 
manufacturer yourself, that 15 per cent, 
is about all you can expect in your own 
business on the actual value of your plant 
and capital. If these people to whom you 
have lent money are to get as much out of 
this business as you do out of yours they 
would have to earn about 30 per cent, on 
this money so as to pay you your 15 per 
cent, and have a fair return for them- 

The visitor had never seen it in just that 
light. He argued that, since he could make 
a big return on the money in his own busi- 
ness, he thought that all his money ought 
to bring him as good a return, otherwise 
he did not see the use of investing it at all. 
Nothing could shake him in that view of 
the situation, and the banker finally gave 
him up, advised him co stick to business 
and leave investments alone. He went 
away from that office, with nothing gained 
except the single idea, "too much money." 

This same thing, in a greater or lesser 
degree, is happening all over the country 
all the time. From my own experience 
in answering letters to this magazine, I 
believe that the worst victims of the "too 
much money" habit are women. 

That is the reason, of course, why a list 
of selected women investors is almost always 
the first list bought by a promoter who is 
going into the "get-rich-quick" game. 

Apart from the "get-rich-quick" game, 
it is also a fact that in the legitimate in- 
vestment market a very high rate of 
interest or dividend is extremely alluring 
to women. The "too much money" 
habit seems natural. A man who feels 
that he is entitled to 7 and 10 per cent, on 
his money because he thinks he has busi- 
ness sense enough to earn that amount 
will reckon on getting some of it by the 
use of foresight in choosing securities sell- 
ing below their real value and allowing his 
principal to grow in a natural and spon- 
taneous way. A woman, however, wants 
it all to come in in dividends or interest. 

It may seem invidious and unkind to 
add that, next to the women of the coun- 
try, the choicest victims of the "too much 
money" habit are country doctors and 
country clergymen. 

A business man, who has been a con- 
sistent investor for twenty years, made 
the statement not long ago that, whenever 
any of the securities which he owns get 
to a price where they pay 7 per cent, on the 
market value (as when a security paying 
5 per cent, on par is selling for 71 or 72), he 
invariably sells them. He admits that 
this rule has brought him heavy losses at 
times, because the conditions that caused 
the 7 per cent, basis were only temporary; 
but he adds that for every loss that he has 
had on this account there have been two 
occasions when, if he had not sold on the 
7 per cent, basis, he would have had a 
heavy loss on account of the complete 
cessation of dividends or interest. Out 
of his experience he has evolved a theory 
that, in two cases out of three where stand- 



ard securities sink to a 7 per cent, basis, 
there is some catastrophe impending. 

Such an ironclad rule of thumb, of course, 
cannot be applied by everybody. There 
are parts of the country, for instance, where 
a 7 per cent, rate is as conservative as a 
5 per cent, rate would be in the older and 
more nearly crystallized sections of the 
country. If one live in the Far West or 
the Far South it is possible to get a much 
higher return than one can get living in the 
East and have almost but not quite as 
good security. This magazine does not 
attempt to make easy rules for investors, 
because there are no easy rules governing 
the use of money. What is right for one 
person is wrong for another, and what is 
right for 191 2 may be utterly wrong in 
191 3. If there is one science that demands 
adaptability it is the science of investment. 

When you come to put away money, 
consider first of all your own circum- 
stances. Figure, if you will, the very lowest 
possible rate of return from that money 
with which you can get along. Use that 
as your starting point. Work out from it 
a theory and a plan of investment. Sup- 
pose that you have no first hand knowledge 
about mortgages, bonds, stocks, or any 
other form for the use of capital. In that 
case you must seek guidance. You will 
get it either by personal study or through 
advice. In either case your object ought 
to be to find out how much more than 
your minimum you can get without step- 
ping over the line where the principle of 
conservatism ends and the principle of 
"too much money" begins. 

Suppose you try to study it out for 
yourself. You will begin, naturally, with 
the savings bank in your own home town, 
or with the insurance company nearby, for 
these are investors who stand out above 
the rest of the investment world, like giant 
trees in a forest of undergrowth. You will 
find that the savings bank and the insur- 
ance company average .1 return of 4 per 
cent, to 5 per cent. <>n their invested funds. 
They will tell you, if you talk to 
them through their officers, that their 
more recent investment has yielded a 
highei return with apparently equal secur- 
itv .is compared with the investment they 
made a few years ago. If you give them 

a chance they will try to tell you the 
reason why, but they probably won't 

You will take their lists, perhaps, and go 
over them, after you get so familiar with 
financial terms and descriptions that you 
can tell a bond or a mortgage from a block 
of stock. You will discover, after a while, 
that the savings bank sticks to bonds and 
mortgages; but that the insurance com- 
pany varies its investment by buying rail- 
road, industrial, and bank stocks. 

So much for the great investors. If you 
have an opportunity to talk to individual 
investors who are not guided or ruled by 
laws or regulations you will discover that 
they are guided by slightly different prin- 
ciples. The average large investor who is 
not a business man and who does not think 
that he is entitled to speculate even to a 
limited degree, figures in these days on an 
average income of about 5 per cent, from 
the securities if he lives in the East and 
about 6 per cent, or a little more if he lives 
in the West or the South. He gets his 
rate, as a matter of fact, quite uncon- 
sciously from the average mortgage rate 
in his own vicinity — that is, from the 
rate he would have to pay if he were bor- 
rowing money on his own property, city 
or country. 

It is not difficult, and it does nol require 
any long course of study to reach a con- 
clusion about the rate of income that you 
ought to get from your invested funds. 
You can get plenty of sane and helpful 
advice. To repeat, it is dangerous and 
difficult to generalize; but it is probably 
true that, if one should submit a hypo- 
thetical question to the half dozen most 
careful and experienced financial experts 
of the United States to-day and obtain 
from them a complete reply, the average 
rate that they would indicate for different 
kinds of funds would be something like the 

An investor who dare not take the 
slightest chance with any part of the 
principal or risk the cessation of interest, 
and wanted marketability could obtain 
about 4.40 per cent. An investor who 
could run a slight risk of depreciation in a 
part of the principal and was looking sim- 
ply for good solid securities and market- 



ability might get 4.75 per cent. One who 
wanted the same characteristics except 
that marketability is a minor factor can 
go a little over 5 per cent. The man who 
can ignore marketability almost entirely 
and wants simply reasonable safety and 
a substantial income can probably aver- 
age close to 5.5 per cent. He who seeks 
an average return higher than this, par- 
ticularly in the East and the North, must 
recognize that he gives up a certain 
amount of safety and reliability for every 
decimal of increase to his income. 

It is noticeable that the higher the in- 
come rate the more restrictions the careful 
critic will throw around his remarks. For 
instance, almost any careful banker who 

is trying to get an average yield of 5.5 per 
cent, for a supposed-to-be conservative 
investor will probably suggest that the 
bulk of' the fund should not yield more 
than 5 per cent., and that the high average 
income be obtained by putting in some 6 
per cent, and even 7 per cent, securities. 
He will also suggest that the subdivision 
of the fund be more minute as the income 
rises. Although it would be perfectly 
safe, from the standpoint of a banker, to 
advise a woman to put all her money into 
a 4 per cent, standard railroad bond selling 
at 100, the same banker would hesitate for 
a long time before advising the same 
client to put half of her fund into one bond 
at 5! per cent. — C. M. K. 







^ORTY years ago a young 
Kentuckian, who wanted to 
be a school teacher, was ad- 
vised to apply in writing for 
the position of principal of a 
normal school. He did so. His applica- 
tion did not convey any very clear idea 
of his qualifications as a teacher but in 
other respects was a model of conciseness. 
" I am twenty-two years old," he wrote. 
" My post office is Lawrenceburg, Ken- 
tucky. I am six feet, one inch tall, weigh 
175 pounds, am a college graduate, a 
Democrat in politics, a Campbellite by 
religion and a Master Mason. Yours 
truly, J. B. Clark." 

The author of that document is now an 
applicant for a larger job — that of Presi- 
dent of the United States. He has not 
filed a written application, but the infor- 
mation available to the inquirer who 
undertakes the serious task of trying to 

ascertain his qualifications is much like 
that contained in young Mr. Clark's 
note of 1872 — and just about as satisfy- 
ing. He is sixty-two years old instead of 
twenty-two. He weighs fifty pounds more 
and hails from Missouri instead of Ken- 
tucky. He has taught several schools 
and has been a member of Congress for 
eighteen years. His hair is white instead 
of yellow, but his voice is as strong as 
ever. Incidentally, he has dropped his 
first name and half of his second. He is 
now plain Champ Clark. 

It would be unfair to Mr. Clark to 
intimate that those are his only claims 
to the Democratic Presidential nomina- 
tion. They are, however, the points 
that are emphasized and brought for- 
ward whenever and in whatever company 
Champ Clark is discussed. Nobody talks 
of Champ Clark in connection with any 
of the great principles of government on 



which the American people are divided. 
He is not known as the champion of any 
of the so-called "Progressive" ideals that 
mark the real points of difference 'between 
the factions into which both the great 
political parties are separated. He has, 
beyond a doubt, been of great service 
to his party, particularly in Congress, and 
if Presidential nominations in 1912 are to 
be distributed as rewards for party ser- 
vices Mr. Clark is entitled to serious 

Those who are most earnestly urging 
his candidacy are pleading that he will 
be more nearly acceptable to all the 
elements that now make up the party 
organization than any other candidate 
who has been put forward. This is 
probably true, and if harmony among 
the party workers is all that the Demo- 
cratic Party is seeking, the Baltimore 
convention doubtless could do much worse 
than to nominate Mr. Clark. But there 
is no evidence that he could hold the 
radical Democratic voters against Colonel 
Roosevelt, for instance, or that he could 
draw to his ticket from Mr. Taft enough 
of the dissatisfied and detachable Repub- 
lican vote to win. 

Yet, of the first 50 Democratic delegau s 
chosen, Champ Clark got 46. Champ 
Clark's own state of Missouri gave him 
its 36 delegates. Oklahoma divided its 
20 delegates evenly between him and 
Woodrow Wilson. The first four county 
conventions in Kansas instructed for the 
Speaker. Whatever advantage there is 
politically in a running start lies with the 
gentleman from Missouri. 

First among the causes that have 
brought Champ Clark to the point of being 
a serious factor in the Presidential contest 
is his personality. Regard him as of 
Presidential size or n«>t, it requires only 
brief personal contact with the big Speaker 
to be charmed and impressed with his 
quality of friendliness I veryone likes 
him and he likes everyone. His bitterest 
political enemies have been his warmest 
personal friends. It was this likeableness 
thai won him his leadership in Congress, 
and enabled him to conciliate the warring 
factions of his party and weld them into 
a working unit. And this harmonizing 

of the Democrats in Congress is easily the 
biggest thing Champ Clark has ever done. 

Champ Clark was born in Anderson 
County, near Lawrenceburg, Ky., March 7, 
1850 — "the day Daniel Webster made 
the speech upholding the fugitive slave 
law, which put him out of politics," is the 
way he fixes the date. Christened James 
Beauchamp (pronounced Beecham), he 
was known in early life as James B. Clark, 
as Governor Wilson and President Cleve- 
land were known as Thomas W. Wilson 
and Stephen G. Cleveland in their respec- 
tive youths. 

His life story differs only in detail from 
the stories of thousands of poor boys who 
have won their way into Congress. It is 
the typically American story of native 
ability, industry, and adventurous spirit 
— farm-hand, school teacher, storekeeper, 
country editor, lawyer, orator — the pro- 
gression is a familiar one to every reader 
of American biographies. His mother 
died when he was three years old. As a 
barefoot boy of twelve he got near enough 
to the battle of Perryville to hear the 
shooting, and once he saw a little band of 
seven home guards stand off the whole of 
Morgan's cavalry brigade. That was all 
he saw or heard of the Civil War. He 
read everything he could lay his youthful 
hands on and acquired the habit, which 
he still retains, of picking out odd and 
curious facts from his reading and storing 
them away in a memory that has a rare 
capacity for minute details. He taught 
school when he was sixteen, then entered 
Kentucky University, whence he was 
expelled after two years — a fact he does 
nol attempt to conceal. Another student, 
Ezra Webb, picked a quarrel with him 
over the meal-hours of a students' dining 
club of which Clark was steward. Clark 
was as quick tempered then as now and 
whacked Webb over the head with a 
scantling Webb struck him in the face 
as another studenl si-i/ed Clark's hands 
from behind and held him. Clark 
wrenched himself loose and from under 
his pillow drew a broken revolver — for 
which he had traded a Latin grammar and 
dictionary. He fired at Webb but the 
bullet went wild. Webb complained to 
the college authorities and Clark was 


expelled. More than thirty years later for $25 for a graduation oration he had 

Webb wrote to Congressman Clark for written for another law student. He 

help in adjusting a claim against the paid his board bill and bought a ticket 

Government, and got it. for Missouri, to look for a school. 

Two years more of school teaching; At Louisiana, Mo., down in Pike 

then, on the advice of Colonel Alexander County, the superintendent of schools 

Campbell, son of the founder of the re- had resigned. Young Clark applied for 

ligious denomination known as " Dis- the place. His recent presidency of Mar- 

ciples of Christ," he entered the senior shall College was a tremendous asset, 

class at Bethany College, West Virginia, But the high school principal wanted the 

from which he graduated summa cum place and the trustees compromised by 

laude. With his degree young Clark promoting him and giving the high school 

called on Colonel Campbell, who asked to Clark — incidentally chopping $300 

what he intended to do. a year off the superintendent's salary 

"Teach for a year and then go to the and giving it to the newcomer to bring 

Cincinnati law school," said the young his up to $1,200. 

man. Young Clark shaved off part of his 

" You can get the principalship of the Kansas beard and taught in side whiskers 

West Liberty Normal School if you will for a year or so. He ran a newspaper, 

send in a written application for it," said the Ruerside Press, and sold it in a year 

Colonel Campbell, and the document at a $700 profit. Then he hung out his 

quoted at the beginning of this article shingle, and began to practice law and the 

resulted. Then young Clark went down great American game of running for 

to Cincinnati to arrange to enter the law office. He drew some early prizes — 

school. Presidential elector on the Hancock and 

Going home from Cincinnati a stranger English ticket, city attorney of Louisiana, 

he met on the train suggested that he try city attorney of Bowling Green, assistant 

for the superintendency of the public state's attorney of Pike County, then 

schools of Paris, Ky. He got off at Paris, state's attorney. 

and within a day or two was appointed By this time Champ Clark had become 
superintendent. But when he got to Law- one of the prominent men of Pike County, 
renceburg he found a notification of his He was a law partner of David A. Ball — 
election as president of Marshall College, at Democratic candidate for governor of 
a salary of $1,400. He accepted it and Missouri in 1908. He handled some big 
remained at the post a year. Then he criminal trials and gained fame as a cross- 
began to study law. From the law examiner. 

school he drifted out to Kansas. A Mr. Clark was "Champ" Clark by this 

casual acquaintance picked up on the time. Soon after leaving law school he 

train turned his thoughts to Wichita, found that a J. B. Clark was getting mail 

"Wichita," he said, "was the place for a at nearly every post office in the country, 

young fellow — Wichita, where the Texas Sometimes they got his letters and sent 

steers came up in great droves and the them back to the writers. 

Spanish milled dollars fairly rolled about " I tried lopping off the 'James' and 

the streets, while the Greasers were always traveling as plain 'Beauchamp Clark,' 

fighting and making practice for lawyers, but my friends insisted upon pronouncing 

So I went to Wichita." it 'Bo-champ,' or abbreviated it to 'Bo 

He reached Wichita as its first great Clark'," said the Speaker, telling me how 

boom was waning. There were no Span- he made the change. " I thought I 

ish milled dollars, no quarrelsome Greasers, would save them trouble by abbreviating 

and the cattle were all going to Great it myself and began to write it 'Champ 

Bend. Added to that, it was one of the Clark.' It has been a good asset. It is 

worst years in Kansas history. The short enough to be usually printed in full, 

pickings were poor indeed. One day, the Look at any list of 'those present' in the 

morning's mail had brought him a check papers. Others are mentioned by sur- 



names only, but my name is printed 
'Champ Clark." From this it may be 
inferred that the Speaker is alive to the 
value of advertising. He is, as I shall 

But to get him out of Bowling Green, 
Mo., and into the Congress of the United 
States. Personal popularity and oratory 
did it, just as these attributes have taken 
man}' others over the same route. Champ 
Clark has always been an orator. I lis 
voice, even in conversation, is resonant 
and flexible. When he gets under way 
there is no hall so big that his voice can- 
not reach every corner of it. This causes a 
demand for his services on big occasions. 
At the St. Louis national convention of 
1904 he was permanent chairman. His 
speech and Martin W. Littleton's were 
the only ones the delegates really heard. 
There is a type of oratory in which the 
manner of the speaker counts for much 
more than the matter of his speech. It 
is not unfair to Champ Clark to say that 
his eloquence is in this class. Not that 
his speeches are mere sound and fury — 
on the contrary, they are often crammed 
with facts. He is at his best when lectur- 
ing on some long dead statesman. His 
favorite hero is Thomas F. Benton, and 
he can enthrall any audience when he 
talks of the great Missourian. His eulogy 
of General Frank P. Blair was included 
by the late Justice Brewer of the United 
States Supreme Court in his collection of 
the best orations of the world. His 
oratory and his personal popularity won 
him an election to the lower house of the 
state legislature, where he served one 
term in 1889. As chairman of the juris- 
prudence committee he reported a bill — 
he does not claim the authorship of it — 
prohibiting combinations in restraint of 
trade and forbidding monopolies to do 
business in Missouri. It was one of 
the first anti - trust laws enacted in 
America. It still stands unamended and it 
was through its enforcement, curiously 
enough, that Herbert S. Hadley, as attor- 
ney general of .Missouri, won the fame 
which enabled him to defeat Champ 
< lark's law partner, Senator Ball, for 
governor. Another legislative achieve- 
ment of which Mr. Clark is proud was the 

introduction of a bill providing for the 
Australian ballot. 

His service in the legislature enhanced 
his reputation; and his marriage, in 188 1, 
to Miss Genevieve Bennett of Callaway 
County gave him a family connection of 
considerable extent in northeastern Mis- 
souri. Congressional politics in the ninth 
Missouri district is of the intense variety. 
In 1888 it had taken 2,100 ballots in the 
district convention to choose between 
nine candidates for the nomination. In 
1890 there were eight candidates and 
2,000 ballots. In 1892 the opponents 
of the sitting member got together and 
put up Champ Clark to contest for the 
nomination against Congressman R. II. 
Norton. Even with the contest narrowed 
down to two men the campaign was a 
protracted and bitter one. From March 
until the end of August the candidates 
stumped the district, accompanied by 
armed guards. The convention sat for nine 
days and finally split and nominated both 
Clark and Norton. The state committee 
settled the matter by ordering a direct 
nomination at a primary election. Demo- 
cratic voters chose Champ Clark and in No- 
vember he became a member of Congress. 

There he found himself a member of the 
majority, swept into power in the Cleve- 
land landslide. Two great issues con- 
fronted the Fifty-third Congress — the 
tariff and the silver question. The new 
member from Missouri rather prided 
himself on his knowledge of the tariff. 
He had been talking tariff reform from the 
stump and had a head full of facts and 
figures. It interested him as everything 
involving minute details interests him. 
He was a much more earnest advocate of 
free silver, however, than of tariff reform. 
That was the big and burning issue of the 
West. "Silver Dick' - Bland of .Missouri 
was the leader of the tree silver movement 
in Congress and Champ Clark became 
one of his trusted lieutenants. William 
I Bryan was one o\ Mr. Clark's fellow 
Congressmen, and their common interest 
in the silver question brought them to- 
gether in a political and personal friend- 
ship that has never been broken. 

In the election of 1894, Mr. Clark, like 
main- other Democrats, lost his Con- 



gressional seat. He resumed the practice 
of law and began to turn to the public 
lecture platform as a means of livelihood. 
It has been almost his principal source 
of income ever since. He is always in 
great demand by Chautauqua audiences. 
"Richer than Golconda" is the title of 
one of his popular lectures. It deals with 
the literature of the Bible. Other sub- 
jects include current political topics and 
the lives of by-gone statesmen. And 
after he was reelected to Congress in 
1896 he found that his Congressional 
debates made valuable advertising for 
his paid lectures. 

In the McKinley Congress that met 
in 1897 the tariff was the main issue. 
Free silver had gone down to defeat with 
Mr. Bryan. The framing of the Dingley 
tariff bill and the fight against it were 
in the hands of the party leaders, but the 
spectacular part of the performance fell 
largely to Champ Clark on the Demo- 
cratic side and General Charles H. Gros- 
venor of Ohio for the Republicans. They 
were beautifully staged, these debates be- 
tween Clark and Grosvenor. Clark was 
the younger but Grosvenor could quote 
statistics with even more facility. Their 
daily duels filled the galleries. Clark 
would fairly lash himself into a frenzy 
of righteous wrath, and General Gros- 
venor would come back with volleys of 
deadly statistics. It was all very exciting 
and dramatic and it drew good press 
notices for both combatants. And it was 
just as real as stage duels usually are. 

It was profitable, too. Between ses- 
sions the team of Clark and Grosvenor 
commanded the highest salary on the 
Chautauqua circuit. They were "head- 
liners" — " Hon. Champ Clark of Mis- 
souri and Hon. Charles H. Grosvenor of 
Ohio in joint debate on the tariff." That 
bill never failed to draw crowded houses 
and put money into the pockets of both 
the actors. Even the enforced retirement 
from Congress of General Grosvenor some 
years later has not interfered with Mr. 
Clark's activities on the platform. He 
still works his way via the Chautauqua 
route from Washington to Bowling Green 
and back. Incidentally, he has thus been 
seen by more voters than any other man 

in public life except possibly Mr. Bryan, 
Colonel Roosevelt, and President Taft. 

Aside from the tariff debates, Mr. Clark's 
Congressional activities were not of espe- 
cial interest except for the picturesqueness 
of his name and figure, which served to 
keep him in the public eye until he was 
chosen floor leader of the minority in 
December, 1908, to succeed John Sharp 
Williams. Champ Clark was by this 
time one of the oldest members in point 
of service; his personal popularity was 
unchallenged, and, while sympathizing 
with the Southern viewpoint, he had a 
clear comprehension of the problems of 
the Northern Democrats. Moreover, he 
had the confidence of the entire Democratic 
membership. For the first time in many 
years the Democratic members of Con- 
gress, through his conciliatory tactics, 
found themselves working in substantial 
harmony on every important question. 

In the extra session of 1909, Mr. Clark, 
as ranking Democratic member of the 
Committee on Ways and Means, took ' 
the lead in the discussions of tariff 
schedules at the hearings before that body. 
Here his skill as a cross-examiner came 
into play. "The only truth that was 
told at any of those hearings was what 
I brought out on cross-examination," 
Mr. Clark boasted to me, and the facts 
justify his claim. His carefully-staged 
tariff debates with General Grosvenor 
and his really marvelous capacity for 
memorizing facts and figures stood him in 
excellent stead. 

In the spring of 1910 a situation arose 
which called for conciliatory leadership 
of exactly the kind of which Mr. Clark 
was capable. It was the beginning of 
the effective fight on "Cannonism." A 
coalition of insurgent Republicans with 
the Democrats gave a working majority 
which could have won the battle easily. 
When the issue was put to a vote, twenty- 
three Democrats, under the leadership 
of Representative Fitzgerald of New York, 
voted with the stand-pat Republicans. 
Their indignant associates were for read- 
ing them out of the party. "We haven't 
got Democrats enough in the party now," 
Mr. Clark told the indignant ones, "so 
what's the use of throwing anyone out 



just because he doesn't agree with us on 
one point?" 

It did not worry Mr. Clark that a great 
principle was at stake. Party solidarity 
was the important thing and his persuasive 
powers restored it. 

Mr. Clark's chief claim to the Demo- 
cratic Presidential nomination, as stated 
by his friends, is that it was his success 
as a conciliator and harmonizer of the 
party in Congress that brought about the 
Democratic landslide in 1910. These ad- 
vocates go so far as to declare — pre- 
sumably with the sanction of Mr. Clark, 
since they are the men who are closest 
to him — that every Democrat who was 
elected governor of a Northern state in 
19 10, who won a Congressional seat from 
the Republicans, or who was chosen 
United States Senator by a Democratic 
legislature elected in 19 10, as well as every 
Democratic party worker who has got on 
the public pay roll as a result of this land- 
slide, is under an obligation to Champ 
Clark which can be adequately discharged 
only by nominating him for the Presi- 
dency. That is the statement seriously 
made to me in Washington by one of the 
real leaders of the Clark Presidential 
boom. If it were true it would demon- 
strate that the Democratic party has not 
advanced beyond the stage where the 
spoils of office are of more importance 
than the public welfare. Perhaps it is 
an illuminating side light on Mr. Clark's 
political ideals that he and his friends 
believe it. It is also characteristic of 
those whose political breath is the Con- 
gressional atmosphere, to believe that 
the thoughts and actions of the whole 
American people are guided by and based 
upon the proceedings under the dome 
at Washington. The Clark Presidential 
boom is distinctly a Congressional move- 
ment. It is being conducted primarily 
from the Speaker's office in the Capitol. 
The men who are running it are members 
of Congress, former members and attaches. 
whose point of view is essentially the 
Congressional one Its publicity "litera- 
ture" goes mil under ( iongressional franks. 

The result of the Congressional election 
of 1910 made it a foregone conclusion 
that Mr. Clark would be the next Speaker. 

But although this approaching elevation 
to perhaps the second highest office in the 
Federal Government gave added signifi- 
cance to his utterances on public questions, 
it did not cure him of the habit of incau- 
tious remarks in Congress. His reckless- 
ness in the use of language had been 
rather amusing than serious in the early 
days of his Congressional career, and it 
was easy in heated debate for his an- 
tagonists to provoke him into rash and 
ill-considered utterances. Nobody took 
it seriously when he made such statements 
in the course of the tariff debates of 1897, 
as that, if he had his way, he would raze 
every custom house "from turret to 
foundation stone." That happened be- 
cause Romulus Z. Leonard of North 
Carolina stuck his tongue out and "riled" 
Mr. Clark. At least, that is the explana- 
tion the Speaker gave me, saying that he 
never really meant it. But when the man 
about to become Speaker of the American 
House of Representatives declared in ad- 
vocating the Canadian Reciprocity Bill, 
" I am for it because 1 hope to see the day 
when the American flag will float over 
every square foot of the British North 
American possessions clear to the North 
Pole," it aroused, instead of laughter, 
an international misunderstanding. That 
this incautious remark of the Speaker had 
great influence in inducing the Canadian 
Parliament to reject the reciprocity pro- 
posals is not denied anywhere. Nor does 
any one seriously challenge Mr. Clark's 
perfectly good intentions toward the 
Reciprocity bill — he has never been 
accused of deliberately betraying a cause 
which he openly professed to favor. 

His elevation to the Speakership has 
not caused .Mr. ("lark to forget the prac- 
tical side of politics. Tremendous efforts 
to detach the old soldier vote from the 
Republican part) are being made by the 
Democratic leaders. A dramatic oppor- 
tunity to emphasize his devotion to the 
\ R. came when the vote was taken 
in the House of Representatives last 
winter on the Sherwood dollar-a-dav 
pension bill. Mr. Clark never overlooks 
a dramatic opportunity. I he bill was 
safely passed- 229 to 02 — and there 
was no more need for the Speaker's vote 

Copyright, Huris & Ewing 






than for that of the press gallery — not 
as much. The following two paragraphs, 
from the Congressional Record, tell what 

The Speaker — The clerk will call my 

The clerk called the name of Mr. Clark 
of Missouri and he voted " Yea" as above 
recorded. So the bill was passed. 

Good Presidential politics — and if Mr. 
Clark misses that mark, good politics for 
Pike County and the Ninth Missouri 
district, where there are plenty of old 
soldiers. Indeed, Mr. Clark, according 
to his wont, is much more likely to have 
had the Ninth Missouri district in mind 
than the United States. It is his mental 

Copyr'KM. i linedinsi 

01 ri K I COUNTY " 

habit to think in terms of Pike County, 
as it were. 

In February, 191 2, soon after the Clark 
Presidential boom began to assume serious 
proportions, the Speaker said to me: " 1 
am against all trusts. There can't be 
any good restraint of trade. I don't 
agree with the Supreme Court on that 
point. I believe the Sherman law if hon- 
estly and courageously enforced would 
break up all the trusts, but if there is any 
question on that point 1 would favor 
amending it. In my opinion it does not 
need any amendment. 

"As chairman of the jurisprudence 
committee of the Missouri legislature 
1 reported one of the first anti-trust bills. 
No one has ever found a flaw in it and 
hundreds of thousands of dollars in fines 
have been collected under it. We may 
get a million. 

" 1 have devoted more time to the tariff 
than to any other political question. 1 
debated it as a boy in school. When I 
first came here in 1893 I thought I knew 
all about it. Now 1 feel like Sir Isaac 
Newton in the presence of the mysteries 
of the universe — like a boy picking up 
shells on the seashore. The question 
ramifies into so many other things that it 
embodies all human activities and if one 
is studious he can learn something new 
about it all the time. As the Government 
is conducted at present we have to raise 
a billion dollars a year. Whether that 
rate of expenditure will ever be reduced 
I do not try to say. I have been wrestling 
with that question. 

" We have only two great sources of 
revenue — the tariff and the internal 
revenue tax. There used to be a great 
revenue from the land office but it is 
about gone now. We have to raise from 
$325,000,000 to $350,000,000 a \ear from 
the tariff. Perhaps if the income tax 
amendment, which I favor, is adopted we 
can reduce the tariff considerably. My 
ulea of tariff reform is to lew the highest 
taxes on luxuries that they will bear and 
not invite smuggling in large quantities, 
and the lowest tariff or none at all on 
necessaries. The whole thing needs over- 
hauling from top to bottom and readjust- 
ing to cut out the monstrosities and ex- 



tortions in the Payne Bill and raise the 
maximum revenue while at the same time 
taking the minimum of money from the 
pockets of the people. It is estimated 
that under the Payne bill every time one 
dollar goes into the Treasury four or five 
dollars go into the pockets of the tariff 
barons. I would make some exceptions 
to levying the highest tariff on luxuries. 
Some things are so valuable in small bulk 
that if the tariff is very high the Govern- 
ment would be defrauded by smugglers. 
Diamonds are a fine illustration of this. 
I would have two rates on diamonds, one, 
the higher on the finished product and a 
low tax on uncut stones, so as to encourage 
the development of the diamond cutting 
industry in America. 

" I can take the Payne bill and rearrange 
the rates so as to get $500,000,000 instead 
of $325,000,000 revenue and at the same 
time cheapen the finished products to 
the people. This can be done in clothing, 
furniture, machinery, and many food 
products. A splendid example is in the 
case of blankets nine feet long, worth not 
more than forty cents per pound, on which 
the present rate is 33 cents a pound and 
50 per cent, ad valorem. This amounts 
to a tax of 182^ per cent, on an article of 
prime necessity. Do you know how 
many of these blankets were imported 
into the United States in the last fiscal 
year? A total value of $40.20 on which 
the tariff amounted to $60.53. From the 
tariff on one kind of sheepskin gloves — 
the sort the women call kid gloves — the 
Government got a total revenue from im- 
portations in one year of $2.40." 

The discussion of the tariff was inter- 
rupted at this point by a newspaper man 
who wanted the Speaker to contribute 
to a "symposium" on Thomas Jefferson. 
The Speaker obliged with several interest- 
ing facts about Mr. Jefferson, such as 
that he was the only red-headed President, 
that he was the first to import Merino 
sheep, that he started the Agricultural 
Department, and that when Minister to 
France he succeeded in obtaining some 
of the precious seeds of the Italian rice, 
which he sent to America, where they 
became the progenitors of all the great 
rice plantations of the South. Then he 

defined his notion of tariff reform a little 
more closely by saying that he was in favor 
of duties that would produce the largest 
revenue and give a fair degree of protection. 

"What about the so-called Progressive 
issues, Mr. Speaker?" I inquired. 

"Well, take the initiative and referen- 
dum. We have it out in Missouri. I 
voted for it. It is a state issue. 

" I introduced the Australian ballot 
bill in the legislature against the opposi- 
tion of the politicians. I was really the 
author of the parole bill. I was the cause 
more than any one man living or dead of 
the primary law being adopted in Missouri. 

Copyright oy Harris & Jrwiug 






The first Congressional primary ever held 
in the state was the one at which I was 
nominated; and afterward primaries were 
adopted by law. 

" I believe in Senatorial primaries — 
we have them in Missouri. 1 think Sen- 
ators ought to be elected by the people. 
1 favor any reform in the ballot law that 
really makes for a free ballot and a fair 
count and brings elections close to the 
body of the people. 1 endorse the prin- 
ciple of the corrupt practices act. It has 
done a great deal of good in Missouri." 

" You wish to be classed as a Progressive, 
then?- 1 asked. 

" Yes, 1 class myself as a Progressive. 
It's in the air — everything is Progressive 
these days." 

"Do you anticipate a realignment of 
the people into new political parties. 
Progressive and Conservative?" 

" Yes, I think we are coming to that." 

"About the recall?" 

" I should rather not state my position 
on that just yet." 

Just then a bell rang in the Speaker's 

" it, they're in trouble in there 

and I've got to go and fix it up," he re- 

marked, with unconscious profanity, as 
he strode over toward the House. 

A human, likeable old gentleman, this 
member from Missouri — pleasant to talk 
with or to listen to, popular, magnetic, 
devoted to his books and his home and his 
family. His comfortable old white house at 
Bowling Green is as crowded with books as 
a public library. An interesting personalitv. 
that of Champ Clark — and if he has any 
conception of the vital, burning questions 
the American people are asking, any grasp 
on the issues and problems on which the 
voters of the nation are sharply divided 
as never before since the dark days before 
the Civil War, any comprehension of the 
great readjustments that are going on 
across party lines as the Progressives and 
Conservatives are reclassifying themselves, 
one finds no evidence of it in his conver- 
sation or recorded speeches — except as 
some minor symptom of the great unrest 
has been felt in Pike County. He does 
not burn with indignation at the encroach- 
ments of the special interests on the 
people's rights, as Woodrow Wilson does; 
he does not stand firm against all new 
departures from the traditions of the past, 
as Judson Harmon does. He is a com- 
promise candidate. 









ONE day in May, 191 1, during 
the session of the Ohio state 
legislature, two men stood 
in a room in the Hotel Chit- 
tenden, at Columbus. One 
of these men held a roll of bills in his hand; 
and he said that he wanted to get senate 
bill No. 256 out of committee. The 
other man was Rodney J. Diegle, sergeant- 
at-arms of the Ohio state senate. He 
said that he could get four votes for that 
purpose, at $200 apiece, provided he him- 
self got $100 for the job. The first man 
counted out $100. Diegle started to 
take it. Then he walked to the door of 
the closet and opened it and looked care- 
fully within. Then he got down on his 
hands and knees and looked under the 
sofa. Then he walked back and took the 
money. And in June — two months later 
— Diegle was sentenced to three years 

in the penitentiary. He had made the 
fatal mistake of being six weeks behind 
the times: he had looked for a man under 
the sofa — he should have looked for a 
dictograph. For a dictograph hung under 
the sofa, and a stenographer sat in the 
next room with a receiver at his ear and 
scribbled down the words that sent Diegle 
"across." And the Supreme Court of 
Ohio, in February of this year, sustained 
the admissibility of the evidence obtained 
by the dictograph. 

The dictograph broke down the Mc- 
Namara defense in the Los Angeles Times 
dynamiting case; from November, 191 1, 
to February 15, 1912, the dictograph got 
the evidence in the headquarters of the 
International Iron-workers' Union that 
led to the arrest of President Ryan and of 
forty-four other union leaders throughout 
the United States; in October, 191 1, the 





dictograph procured the conviction of 
Mayor Thomas E. Knotts, of Gary, Ind., 
on a charge of receiving a bribe of $5,000. 

What is this mysterious dictograph? 

It is a tiny sound magnifier and trans- 
mitter. Sounds are gathered by it and 
are multiplied many times in intensity, 
by the peculiar construction of the 
vibrating disc that receives the shock 
of the sound-waves. These vibrations are 
transmitted over wires to a receiving 
ear-piece on the same principle as by or- 
dinary telephone. The novelty of the 
dictograph is in the extreme sensitiveness 
of its sound gathering and sound trans- 
mitting device — a device the technical 
construction of which its inventor declines 
to explain. 

The transmitter of the dictograph is 
enclosed in a round, flat, black, vulcan- 
ized rubber case, three inches in diameter 
and three quarters of an inch thick. The 
other parts of the apparatus are an ear- 
piece two inches in diameter, and a dry 
battery cell about two inches wide, three 
inches long, and three quarters of an inch 
thick. The entire apparatus can be held 
in one hand, and altogether weighs a little 
less than one pound. 

The dictograph is efficient. In the 
laboratory at Jamaica, Long Island, in 
which it was perfected, I stood by the 
side of Mr. K. M. Turner, the man who 
invented it. At his direction I took up an 
ear-piece from a work bench while he 
turned a switch. Then Mr. Turner, speak- 
ing merely into the air as if he were talk- 
ing to another man in the same room, said, 
in an ordinary conversational tone: 

"Mr. Haff, there is a gentleman on the 
line here in the laboratory who wishes to 
have you demonstrate the detective dic- 
tograph. Will you please talk to him and 
show him how it can be heard through 
various materials?" 

At once I heard a perfectly distinct 
voice answer: 

"Certainly, Mr. Turner. I am now 
talking in an open room, with no ob- 
struction between me and the transmitter, 
though I am standing about four feet from 
it. Now I shall turn a switch and talk 
to you through another transmitter that 
is enclosed tightly in a wooden box." 
Here the voice began to sound more 
remote but exactly as distinct as before, 
as it continued: "I shall now switch to 
still another transmitter that is imbedded 
in a solid block of cement.*' and now the 
voice seemed very far away, but still 
perfectly audible and distinct. I asked 
the voice several questions and received 
its answers. Then Mr. Turner led me 
out of the building m which the laboratory 
is. across a yard to another building, and 
there introduced me to Mr. Haff, who at 
once continued the conversation that we 
had just broken off and showed me the 
wooden box and the concrete block con- 
taining the several transmitters. 

1 he detective dictograph is an out- 
growth of the commercial dictograph, 



which is, perhaps, an even more remark- 
able device. Mr. Turner had been for 
many years — and still is — the successful 
manufacturer of an apparatus that was 
designed to assist the deaf to hear. He 
applied the sound gathering and intensi- 
fying principle of this apparatus to an 
intercommunicating telephone system for 
convenience in his factory. The result 
was the commercial dictograph. It is a 
wooden box in which, side by side, are 
a transmitter and an opening that corre- 
sponds in its use to the horn of a phono- 
graph. Below is a row of keys, each 
marked with a name. Standing in front 
of his desk in his private office, Mr. 
Turner pressed down the key marked 
"Engineer." In a moment a marker 
flew up before a glass above the key, and 
Mr. Turner now pressed the key upward 
and began to walk about the room with 
his hands in his pockets. A voice called 
out of the opening beside the transmitter, 
loud enough to be heard all over the room, 
and said: 

"Good morning, Mr. Turner." 

"Good morning," Mr. Turner replied, 
still strolling about the room. " Do you 
hear me plainly?" 

" Perfectly," answered the voice. 

" Will you please bring me a Turner tele- 
phone? I want to have it photographed." 

"All right, sir," the voice replied, 
" but I hope you can wait about ten min- 
utes for it, as none of those here has a 
name plate on it." 

At Mr. Turner's suggestion I entered 
the conversation, sitting in a chair six 
feet from the instrument. Later, he 
called up two men in different buildings 
at the same time, and the three discussed 
a business letter that all of them had seen 
the day before. No mouthpiece nor ear- 
piece was used by any of them. By the 
time they had finished and Mr. Turner 
had shut off the connection, a man had 
brought in a Turner telephone. It, also, 
utilizes the same transmitter as the detec- 
tive dictograph, so that it requires no 
mouthpiece, but it does require an earpiece. 

So, from these three devices — the 
acousticon, the commercial dictograph, 
and the Turner telephone — the detec- 
tive dictograph was evolved. Its opera- 

tion is perfectly simple: the transmitter 
is readily hidden — as in the concrete 
wall of Ortie McManigal's cell in Los 
Angeles; or as in the space between the 
back panel of a desk drawer and the back 
of the desk, in the Ironworkers' head- 
quarters in Indianapolis — and the fine 
wires that lead to the ear-piece are as 
easily carried away through a hollowed 
table leg and a tiny hole in the floor, or 
by some similar device. In a room of 
ordinary size it gathers every sound, even 
whispers from the farthest corner, and 



transmits them, magnified in volume, to 
the receiver. In ordinary detective use 
the receiver is in a room next door or on 
the floor below, but in one case the Burns 
detectives have used it over a wire a mile 
long. In such cases, of course, the circuit 
has to be connected with one or two extra 
batteries like the small dry cell that is 
used for short distances. 

The dictograph has been employed 
for other such odd uses as these: by 
Professor Frank Perret to study the minor 
activity of Mt. Vesuvius between erup- 
tions; by Mr. William Boyce, of Chicago, 
during an expedition in the jungle of Africa, 
to hear the sounds made by wild beasts 
when undisturbed by men; in the Metro- 





politan Opera House and in the Hudson 
Theatre, New York, to enable the 
managers to hear the rehearsals on the 
stage from their private offices; to enable 
Representatives in Congress, while sitting 
in their rooms in the office building, to 
hear the debates on the floor of the House. 
But the most promising field for the 
detective dictograph is in aiding the 
execution of the laws. Mr. Turner, the 
inventor, has this theory about the ob- 
taining of evidence: Reverse the old 
method of working up confessions of 
criminals. That method was to put the 
accomplices in separate cells and then to 

criminal with the literal record of his most 
secret conferences, and he will break down. 
There may be abuses of the dictograph 
as well as worthy uses. It has been used 
in one instance to steal stock market 
quotations from a broker's office. It 
could be used for blackmail. For this 
reason, the detective apparatus cannot be 
bought; it can be leased only, and by no 
one except persons who prove their char- 
acter and motives to be above question. 
Practically, its use is limited to reputable 
detective agencies and to officers of the law. 
To such persons it is rented for $100 a year, 
or, for shorter periods, for $25 a month. 




deal with them one at a time, telling each 
that the other had given way and urging 
him to get even by telling his story on 
the other. The new method should be 
to imbed a dictograph in the concrete 
wall of a large cell, put the accom- 
plices together, and have the officers keep 
away from them, but to let their friends 
and kinspeople visit them freely. Sooner 
or later, when they are alone, they are 
certain to talk of their crime, and to give 
plenty of clues from which conclusive 
evidence may be worked up. Human 
nature cannot endure to keep such secrets 
locked in silence. And when they talk, a 
stenographer in the warden's office can take 
down every word they say. Confront the 

Such, then, is the detective dictograph. 
It has armed the law with a new weapon 
for the preservation of the peace. Almost 
literally, it becomes the voice of con- 
science made audible in speaking tones. 
Even experimenting with it one feels a 
sense of fear and danger as if in the pres- 
ence of a foe against whom there is no 
defense. Its terrors for breakers of the 
law may. be imagined from that dramatic 
moment in Los Angeles when it made the 
stout hearts of the McNamara's fail, 
buttressed though they were by the sym- 
pathy of millions of workingmen, by the 
skill of great lawyers, and by the power of 
almost unlimited money — when a whisper 
had wrecked a national conspiracy. 










OCIAL1SM is a ferment thai 
is slowly but surely disin- 
tegrating the three hierarchies 


1 upon which present day 
^ — * European civilization rests, 
the hierarchy of privileged government, 
the hierarchy of standing armies, and the 
hierarchy of private property. This fer- 
ment has worked its way into parliaments 
and is democratizing all monarchies; i1 
has impregnated the soldier with the rest- 
less germs of a new internationalism; and 
has raised the red standard of revolt 
against the domain of centralized wealth. 
In Europe, standing armies are going 
to give way, not to the pressure of the 

taxpayer, nor to the mumbled prayers 
of peace societies, but to the menace of 
the Socialist conscript; property is be- 
coming more and more the ward of the 
state and less the slave of the individual; 
and you will find many conservatives in 
every capital who believe that the end of 
monarchies is at hand. 

I his Socialism, so powerfully organized 
in every European country, will, in the 
next decade, in some modified form, be 
the strident voice in our own politics, 
rising shrill and foreboding above the 
doleful orotund ^{ the old party prophets. 

I his study of European Socialism was 
undertaken to ascertain under what con- 






ditions Socialism flourishes in the three 
leading European countries, and of de- 
termining its strength and its trend. If 
it is coming to us, let us know what it is 
doing in the country of its birth. 

The ferment of Socialism naturally 
began in France, that yeast pot of civili- 
zation. It began as all ferments do, in 
a very humble manner, and it began while 
that unhappy country was still red with 
the gore of the Revolution. It gained 
its power amongst the despised proletar- 
ians, who had been the grim and sullen 
background of the Revolution. Indeed, 
Socialism is the only political and economic 
educational force that has troubled itself 
with the forgotten masses. It is the 
evangel of hope to the under-one, a hope 
fed on discontent, a discontent that has 
to-day weakened every tradition in France, 
ecclesiastical, military, economic, and 
political, and that has undermined every 
source of authority. Socialism has entered 
politics and is already a determining force 
in the Chamber of Deputies. 

Jean Jaures is probaby the world's 







ablest Socialist. He possesses attributes 
of greatness that make him formidable to 
his adversaries, and that lift his utterances 
high above the reckless palaver of the 
ordinary Socialist agitator. Like the 
majority of the Socialist leaders, he is of 
middle class origin. Instead of serving a 
proletarian apprenticeship in the mills, his 
is a genteel university preparation, and he 
fitted himself for the leadership of the 
masses by becoming a professor of philoso- 
phy in a college in southern France. He is 
well endowed, not only with this world's 
goods, but with robust health, tireless 
energy, and an unusually active mind. 
1 le is the leader of his party in the Cham- 
ber of Deputies, speaks everywhere on all 
occasions, is editor of L'Humanite, the 
Socialist daily, writes for numerous other 
journals, writes books and pamphlets, 
and is considered one of the leading author- 
ities in France upon the original documents 
pertaining to the French Revolution. I le 
is one of the mosl brilliant orators of his 

country to his vast store of knowledge. 
He first entered the Chamber of Deputies 
as a Radical in 1885. After serving a few 
years he went back to his professorship. 
In 1893 he announced his conversion to 
Socialism, and has since served con- 
tinuously in the Chamber. Early in his 
parliamentary career, he formed an inde- 
pendent Socialist group with Rene Yiviani 
and A. Millerand, two well known Parisian 
lawyers, a group to whom the violent 
revolutionary methods of the Marxians 
did not appeal. 

These Marxians are led by a 
personality — Jules Guesde, a 
revolutionist. He was scarcely 
years old when he led a fearless group of 
rebels against the prefecture of Mont- 
pellier, and captured it. He fled the 
country to escape a long term of imprison- 
ment and spent his exile in wandering 
from place to place as an evangelist of 
violence. Returning to France in the 
late 'seventies, he set about to organize 
the workingmen, and has ever since been 
the leader of the more restless Socialists. 





the "low of the southern 










He possesses all the characteristics of a 
zealot: he is gaunt, nervous, with restless 
eyes, and a flowing beard: his arms are 
long and lank, capable of expressive 
gestures; his voice is high pitched, and 
when he speaks in the Chamber of 
Deputies the trembling bourgeois may 

well believe him an emissary of revolution 
and upheaval! His experiences furnish 
an ideal setting for this personality; he 
has fought constantly not only kings and 
parliaments and courts, but want, hunger, 
disease, cold, and sorrow. He is hero, 
martyr, prophet. 



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4 6 





Around these two unusual men, the 
modern French Socialist movement is 
formed. There have been numberless 
factions. Frenchmen love to split an 
idea and fight over the fractions. The 
most important of these factions, identified 
by their various leaders and doctrines, are 
the following: Jaures leads those Socialists 
who believe in evolutionary Socialism, to 
be hastened by their participation in the 
practical politics of the day; Guesde 
leads those who believe in political revolu- 
tion as the only effective method of gain- 
ing their ends; M. Griffuelhes leads the 
revolutionary syndicalists, who believe 
in violence and class war. Above the 
Jaures and Guesde factions are the Inde- 
pendent Socialists, who do not submit to 
party discipline, though sharing the Social- 
istic ideals. And there is the group of 
Socialist-Radicals, who believe in proper! \ 
and patriotism as well as in the Socialistic 
ideals. In the Chamber of Deputies, 
the Jaures faction has once combined with 
the Radicals, thus forming the temporary 
Socialist-Radical "bloc." under the 
premiership of Clemenceau. Just now 
the Guesde and Jaures factions have 
united, forming the United Socialist party 
— probably also a temporary coalition. 





Guesde and Jaures and all the rest 
fought one another furiously until the 
Dreyfus affair divided all Frenchmen 
into two camps. And all Socialists be- 
came Dreyfusards. The Dreyfus affair 
was the opportunity of the Socialists. 
Here was the issue clear cut, between 
the old and the new — the old tradi- 
tions, religious, social, military, political, 
against the humble man's idea of justice. 
It was the heroic period of modern French 
Socialism. Red and black flags were 
borne by exulting multitudes through the 
streets of Paris. The University popu- 
laire was organized by the scholars to 
instruct the people in the issues. In- 
flammatory meetings were held every- 
where. Learning united with passion to 
usher in the New Time. The flame of an- 
ticipation spread over the Republic. 

In the Chamber of Deputies the Social- 
ists coalesced with the Radicals — who 

began to call themselves Socialist-Radicals 
— forming the famous "bloc" which 
controlled the Government. Jaures was 
made Vice-President of the Chamber and 
became the most potential figure in public 
life. Millerand was lifted into the cabinet, 
in 1899, the first Socialist in the world to 
hold such a place. 

France, in the hour of her greatest need, 
was bowing to the Socialists. They were 
to save the Republic. In part payment 
for their votes the Radicals adopted the 
Socialists' "minimum programme" and 
passed a number of labor laws. 

It seemed but a step from the "bloc" 
to the Premiership, from the Premiership 
to the Presidency, from the Presidency 
to the "Socialized State." 

Then something happened, something 
very human. The Republic had 
weathered the storm, stronger than ever, 
and the Radicals forgot their allies. It 
was the old deception, the old disappoint- 



4 8 





merit, always experienced by the prole- 
tariat and its envoys. After the great 
revolution they were rejected; after the 
revolutions of 1830 and 1848 they were 
betrayed; after the Commune they were 
exiled; after the Dreyfus affair they were 
laughed at. 

Georges Clemenceau, the nimble Machia- 
velli of Radicalism, engaged in a bril- 
liant debate with Jaures that had the 
whole country on its tip-toes. He told 
the Socialist orator that his Socialism 
was an impractical vagary. Jaures, stung 
by the rebuke, answered that he would 
show France and the world that Socialism 
is practical. He would put it plainly 
into print so that everyone could read. 
This was promised some years ago, and 
remains unfulfilled. Even this prodigious 
communist has found it impossible to 
transmute the Socialist dream into words. 

But an immense practical turn did come 
out of this notable debate. Jaures was 
willing to surrender his differences and 
unite with Guesde, and the "United 
Socialist Party" was organized on a 
compromise programme that savors of 
Marxian orthodoxy and that demands 
the usual labor legislation — eight-hour 
day, minimum wage, etc. 

So there is now for the first time a 
united Socialist part)' in France. At the 

last election it polled 1 ,600,000 votes and 
elected 76 of the 590 Deputies in the 
Chamber. The French Chamber is di- 
vided into a great many little groups. 
The 76 "United Ones" are the only 
staunch part)' in this collection of factions. 
Yves Guyot, who is no friend of Socialism, 
but its most distinguished critic, told me 
"the Socialists have the only compact, 
disciplined, obedient party in France. 
It obeys orders like a regiment." 

At least there is unit)- in appearance. 
But the two leaders often have each other 
by the ears. Their quarrel is the quarrel 
of Socialists the world over — Shall the 
Socialists participate in governmental ac- 
tivities or shall they await the hour of the 
glorious revolution that is, by some tran- 
scendent miracle, to transform society? 
This is the question between the mundanes 
and the supermundanev 

Jaures is quite mundane. I called on 
him in his home, and he received me in 
a well stocked library, lie is a quiet. 
ponderous, persuasive man. with a princely 
courtesy, and a head as large as a bushel 
basket. 1 a-sked him what Socialism is. 
"Socialism is the splendid ideal of a state 
in which the processes of production and 
distribution are owned by society. A 
condition of civilization in which there 
will be neither poverty nor wealth. Our 


guiding principle is the cooperation of all Here you have, from the leaders, the 
for the good of all. Toward this end we vague ideal that forms the potency of 
are making constant progress. We are Socialism. If it were definite, it would 
gradually undermining the present sys- cease to be an ideal, would lose its magic, 
tern." Whatever danger lurks in Socialism is not 
"By what method are you doing this?" in its leaders, nor in its methods, but is 
"By every method. Just now by the in the psychic power which the mystery 
parliamentary method. We help make of an intangible notion exercises over the 
laws, we create public sentiment. This minds of discontented masses. To what 
is the method by evolution. It does extremes will this idealistic hypnosis lead? 
not preclude revolution. But revolution This spirit of humanitarian unrest and 
would do no good until the conditions individual discontent is the prompter of 
are ripe. Conditions are ripening. Every the united party, with its 76 deputies, 
centime added to the price of food, every It is also the spirit of the Independent 
new evidence of the heartlessness of the Socialists who have 34 deputies in the 
moneymaker, helps scatter the discontent Chamber, mostly professional men, law- 
that forms the proletarian motive. yers, professors, journalists, to whom 
" Don't misunderstand me. We are party discipline and Marxian orthodoxy 
not merely wanting control of the govern- are distasteful. They are the connecting 
ment. We aim to control the forces link between the unified party and the 
that make the government. When we Socialist-Radicals. These latter have 240 
have the people with us, what is govern- votes in the Chamber, and in any other 
ment? A toy. country would be called Socialists. I 
"Certainly I believe Socialism is prac- asked one of their leaders the difference 
tical. Its day is coming. Just when and between them, and he said: "We Socialist- 
how no one can say." Radicals believe in property and patriot- 
Then I sought out Guesde in his simple ism; the Socialists don't." 
home. Every gesture and word revealed What has been the experience of this 
his vehement enthusiasm. He paced the parliamentary Socialism under Jaures? 
floor restlessly as he answered my ques- To the Socialist, disappointing; to the 
tions, sometimes seating himself on a believer in orderly progress, reassuring, 
hassock near my chair, and he spoke Nineteen hundred and two is the date 
earnestly in a voice that could be heard of the first French democratic Republic, 
across the street. Combes was its premier, Jaures its master. 
"What is Socialism? It is the emanci- There were no "best people" in the 
pation of the proletariat from economic cabinet. It was a coalition of Socialists 
unrighteousness. How will it be accom- and ultra-Radicals — proletarian and 
plished? By appropriating all forms of petty bourgeois. It undertook three tre- 
productive wealth to society, and putting mendous tasks: separating Church and 
humanity in possession, instead of selfish State, regenerating the army, democratiz- 
individuals. This means revolution. It ing the bureaucracy — that system of 
may be peaceful. Jaures thinks so and is centralized administration which the Re- 
content to take a slice at a time. I am public inherited from Napoleon, 
restless. I don't believe we can ever First, they began with the Church, 
attain our ideal through parliaments and French Socialists and ecclesiastics have 
politics. We must be prepared to meet the never tried to understand each other. At 
violence of the capitalist. Jaures be- the time of the disestablishment about 
lieves in the slow method. I believe in the four fifths of the wealth of France was in 
effective method." the control of professed churchmen, and 
" Do you believe the Socialist ideal is four fifths of the poor people never went 
practical?" to church. " Millions of our people never 
"Certainly. I have seen a wonderful see the inside of a church," a Socialist 
change in the masses since I first began from Southern France told me. This 
Socialistic speaking." - warfare ended, politically, as soon as the 



Radicals and Socialists became the dic- 
tators. The Combes-Jaures government 
closed 20,823 establishments, and secu- 
larized education. 

Here is a typical example of Socialistic 
methods. Years of gradual, almost im- 
perceptible disintegration; a concurrence 
of power and opportunity — sudden col- 
lapse. No social structure, however 
ancient and firmly established, that raises 
the issue of poor vs. rich, in any form, is 
secure against this lithodomus, this burrow- 
ing mollusk, that bores through the hard- 
est rocks and crumbles them into dust 

Simultaneously came the reorganizing 
of the army. The old families still fur- 
nished the officers of army and navy. 
They were Royalists, and the Republicans 
would not trust them. The Republic 
— that was merely a compromise between 
Monarchists and Republicans — was 
tilted on a narrow ledge. The Dreyfus 
affair was intended to tip it into the abyss. 
The Royalists had failed to reckon with 
the Socialists, and the time has gone by 
forever when European political plotters 
can afford to forget the Socialists. 

A system of mediaeval espionage was 
instituted by General Andre. The foot- 
steps of the suspects were dogged until 
he had them — either going to mass, or 
drinking absinthe in some remote pro- 
vincial town, contrary to regulations. 
This was sufficient. The one showed his 
adhesion to the church of the Royalists, 
the other his disregard for the discipline 
of the Republic. Before the scandal be- 
came so great as to demand his resigna- 
tion, Andre had weeded out the unde- 

The third project, to render the ad- 
ministrative machinery more supple to 
democratic demands, remains unaccom- 
plished. A powerful political secret 
society — "Freemasonry" (which is in no 
way to be confused with our fraternal 
society of that name) — binds Socialists 
and Radicals into a compact body, with 
great influence in every commune. But 
it has not succeeded in modifying the 
machinery of centralized autocracy. It 
may not really wish to do so. "1 he sj Mem 
is useful when the Radicals are in power. 

France now has a petty bourgeois army 
and navy, a petty bourgeois school system, 
a petty bourgeois government, thanks to 
the Socialists. 

Meanwhile the Socialists saw three of 
their number elevated to the Cabinet: 
Millerand in 1899, and Viviani and 
Briand in 1906. Each successive appoint- 
ment added to their disillusionment. 
Too much was expected. Socialism is 
a ferment; the Socialists looked for an 
explosion. And Socialists who attain 
power, like all others who attain power, 
become conservative in the presence of 
vast responsibilities. 

For example, when Millerand became 
the first Socialist minister in history, he 
was heralded throughout the world as a 
phenomenon. He proposed some splendid 
labor legislation. But there was no necro- 
mancy about his laws! The world moved 
on as usual, in poverty and plenty. 

The disappointed Socialists met in 
convention, expelled their distinguished 
comrade from the party, and declared 
that whenever a Socialist accepts cabinet 
honors he ceases to be a Socialist. 

Viviani proved himself less original 
than Millerand. But the third member 
of this Socialistic ministerial trio dis- 
played talents that make him the most 
hated and most lauded man in France 
to-day — hated by the Socialists, who call 
him a traitor; admired by the propertied 
bourgeois, who call him a sagacious 

Aristide Briand was a country lawyer 
and a Radical when he appeared on the 
public stage. He soon became a Socialist 
of the fire-eating variety. In 1899, at 
a Socialist convention, he defended the 
general strike as "lawful insurrection," 
and when the soldiers are called out to 
put it down, "if the command to fire is 
given, if the officers are stubborn enough 
to try to force the soldiers against their 
will, the guns might be fired, but perhaps 
not in the direction the officers thought." 
This blood hound became, by the miracle 
of office, the sly \ox of officialdom. 

While he was minister of education, 
under Gemenceau, the post office em- 
ployees decided to test the sincerity of 
the Radical-Socialist ministry. They de- 



manded the resignation of the under-secre- 
tary of posts and telegraphs, whom they 
disliked; they demanded the right to 
organize themselves into labor unions; 
and they asked for stricter civil service 
regulations, removing them from the 
influence of politics. The third point 
was not refused, the other two were 
promptly rejected. The first one would 
destroy the authority of the cabinet, the 
second the autonomy of the State. If the 
men were allowed the privileges of ordinary 
labor unions, they would have the right 
to strike — that is, to annul State 

The men did strike. France was iso- 
lated from the world for a week. Social- 
ists were holding up the State. The 
Government promptly dismissed scores 
of ringleaders, introduced soldiers into 
the service, local chambers of commerce 
lent automobiles and hands to sort and 
deliver letters. Then the men went back 
to work. In a few months they struck 
again. This time the Syndicalists — the 
violent Socialists — called a general strike 
of all workers to back the State employees. 
But the call went unheeded, and after 
some marching, a little terrorizing, and 
much talking, the men resumed their 
letter carrying. 

During this time Briand's school mas- 
ters threatened to strike. As minister of 
education he promptly dismissed one or 
two of the hottest pedagogues who had 
signed a virulent circular. This stopped 
their scholastic threats. 

So ended the first attempt of Socialist 
State employees to wring concessions from 
a Socialist-Radical Government. "The 
State is a greater tyrant than the private 
employer," they complained in their anger. 

Briand was now made prime minister 
— the first Socialist prime minister in the 
world. And he showed himself the most 
adroit Frenchman since Gambetta. 

The employees of the railways struck 
for better wages and better conditions of 
labor. Briand, before the strike, had met 
a committee of the men and promised to 
do what he could for them. The com- 
panies, through his mediation, granted the 
raise in wages and promised to consider 
the other points. But the restless men 

struck and tied up all the traffic of the 
country. Briand anticipated every action. 
He was schooled in the craft of the con- 
spirator. An old law made it an offense 
to stop railway traffic, or to conspire to 
stop it. Under sanction of this act the 
Socialist prime minister promptly arrested 
the ringleaders while they were in a con- 
ference with Jaures, Guesde, and other 
party leaders in the office of L'Humanite, 
the Socialist daily, for which Briand had 
often written editorials. 


"guesde expelling jaures from the tower of 
bebel." (bebel is the leader of the german 

socialists and his name is pronounced babel) 

a punning hit at the many warring factions 
into which socialists are divided 

Next, he called out the militia-reserves. 
Most of the strikers were members of the 
militia. If they donned the uniform they 
could not strike; if they did not don the 
uniform they were guilty of a very serious 
offense. In a week the strike was over. 
There had been violence and destruction 
of property. Quotations from Briand's 
earlier speeches, in flaming red posters, 
were pasted on every wall. His life was 
threatened. "Give us only Briand for 
vengeance," they said. 



In the Chamber of Deputies he told 
the Socialist group that the railway strike 
was a conspiracy against the State, and 
that if he had not found legal means for 
putting it down he would not have hesi- 
tated to use illegal means. Words cannot 
describe the scene that followed. Desk 
lids were slammed, yells and cries filled 
the air, excited deputies rushed, shouting, 
down the aisles toward the tribune where 
the premier stood smiling at the tumult. 
Above the turmoil were heard the strains 
of the "International," the Socialist war 


.font fa 

Paroles 4 Eugfrn* POTTIER 

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song. In a twinkling the ministerial 
started the " Marseillaise," and for the 
first time in history in a parliamentary 
assembly the strains of the hymns of 
the political and social revolutions were 

Within a few months Briand fell. His 
former comrades voted, with their enemies, 
to end the rule of the man they consider 
an arch-renegade. 

To recapitulate: parliamentary action 

by Socialists, following years of agitation, 
has disestablished the Church and secular- 
ized education; it has reorganized the 
army and made it representative of the 
lesser bourgeois instead of the aristocracv; 
it has failed to alter the character of the 
bureaucracy, though the gradual coloring 
of public opinion by propaganda makes 
this achievement certain of ultimate 
accomplishment. Actual control of the 
Government by Socialists has been uni- 
formly a failure, from the Socialistic point 
of view, because of the conservative effect 
of office holding. 

Forsaken by their allies, disowned by 
their own ministers, the Socialists keep on 
growing at the rate of a year. The 
present Chamber of Deputies has twenty- 
five more Socialists than the last. Their 
most significant growth is among the 
peasantry of southern France, where, 
under the leadership of Compere Morrel, 
a gardener, they are flocking to the red 
flag by the hundreds. 

All Socialists are opposed to standing 
armies. They are internationalists, plac- 
ing humanity above patriotism. 

In France, anti-militarism has reached 
its highest point. At present it has some- 
what subsided under the shadow of 
Morocco. But in 1906-7 it had the 
country frightened, and many anti- 
republicans fled across the border. Anti- 
militarism had found a prophet in an 
obscure school-master from Auxerre, Gus- 
tave Herve, who had said the suitable 
word: 'The flag arose from dirt," and 
who was made famous in the way France 
lifts men to fame, overnight. He came to 
Paris and started a daily paper. The 
Socialists adored him. Jaurcs espou-ed 

I lerve has a simple remedy for militar- 
ism. The way to stop war is to refuse to 
fight. Join the army, he exhorts his 
followers, but fire on your commander, 
use your guns on the capitalists and your 
bayonets to emancipate the poor — be- 
cause war, soldiers, and governments are 
the instruments of the capitalist. The 
flag is onl) a ragged symbol of oppression. 
" Plant the flag in the dung heaps of your 
barn yards," he cried to the peasantry 
who (locked to hear him. 


He was several times imprisoned for his 
virulent rhetoric. He is now serving a 
four-year sentence. I contrived to call on 
him in prison, and found him the most 



Anti-patriotism does not bear 
obloquy in France that it does in America 
Among a people where there is no spiritual 
fervor for their country, where patriotism 

inoffensive little man imaginable, with mild may mean adhesion to any one of several 

eyes and an attractive, childish manner. forms of government, there is not much 

"What will happen to the nations when reproach in being called unpatriotic, 
your ideal is realized?" I asked him. The bureaucracy has been very irritat- 

" There will be no nations, only an inter- ing to the workingmen. Its army has 

ethnic fraternalism. Governments have been used to suppress their demonstrations, 

been made a fetish, and humanity for- On the istof May, Labor day in Europe, 

gotten. I want to reverse this — human- I walked the streets of Paris, and every- 

ity first, all else afterward. Some country where were soldiers. The Place de la 

must begin to abolish the army. France, Concorde was an armed camp, and at 

that has begun so many splendid move- regular intervals troops of cavalry gal- 

ments, will begin disarmament under loped significantly down the avenues, 
compulsion of the proletariat." The most significant phase of Socialism 

There is a good deal of unrest in the in France is the revival of the anarchistic 
army. Some years ago when the soldiers teachings of Proudhon. It is called Revo- 
were sent to the Midi, to quell the wine tionary Syndicalism, after syndicates, or 
growers' revolt, the officers found their labor unions. These syndicates form a 
companies sullen and disobedient. One national organization whose doctrine is 
third of the conscripts came from working- revolution, whose policy is violence, and 
men's homes, where soldiering is not loved, whose method is the general strike. The 
Seven hundred thousand young men are philosopher of this movement is Georges 
constantly in the army; 350,000 every Sorrel, a shrewd thinker and clever 

year are transferred from the ranks of 
toil into the ranks of idleness. The 
economic burden on the workman is 
enormous. He willingly lends his ear to 
the lesson of revolt. It is only a matter 
of time when the leaven will saturate the 

In 1907 the Socialist national conven- 
tion determined to oppose war by every 
means, "even unto a general strike and 
workers' insurrection." There are thous- 
ands of humble people in France to whom 
this is gospel. 

The feeling between France and Ger- 
many is extremely bitter. Yet last sum- 
mer, when the Morocco affair threatened 
peace, the Socialists held anti-war demon- 
strations. And the International Social- 
ist Bureau met in Zurich to consider how 

rhetorician, always a dangerous juxta- 
position of talent. The basis of his logic 
is violence. Society is wrong because 
the oppressed are complacent. If they 
were volcanic, the surface of things would 
be changed. Everything that condones 
complacency is evil. The parliamentary 
Socialists are a failure because they are 
"no longer thinking of insurrection." 
The only political principle that will 
survive is "class war." 

This destructive teaching attracted not 
only violent labor agitators, but scholars 
like Professor Hubert Lagardelle, and bril- 
liant leaders like Victor Griffuelhes. 
These prompters of violence are men of 
ease and comfort, who receive you gently in 
carpeted libraries, far removed from the 
gore of rebellion. They have revived the 

the workingmen of both countries might tradition of conspiracy — the eruptive spirit 

unite to prevent war. Of course, many 
Socialists would become soldiers in the 
event of war. But who would have 
dreamed, twenty-five years ago, that the 
workingmen of Europe would be united 
into a vast international, anti-military 
brotherhood, so powerful that even the 
Kaiser dare not ignore them? 

of the masses must be wielded by an 
"active, conscious minority." 

These masses, organized into the Gen- 
eral Confederation of Labor, were incited 
to strikes and all manner of violence, which 
resulted in constant collisions with the 
police and the soldiers. This turbulence 
was at its height a few years ago. There 



was the most outrageous use of adjectives. 
" Rip up the bourgeois," " Cut button holes 
in the capitalistic skins," were war cries. 
There was an abundance of talk about 
putting vitriol into wine, ground glass 
into flour, and dynamite in the coal bin. 
It all ended in Gallic panic, and composure. 
Sorrel has now left the Syndicalists for the 
Royalist camp. And Paul Louis, a little 
journalist, is writing for them. He was 
anxious that I should not regard him as a 
"mere anarchist." 

"We believe in organized society," he 

almost a million, why not of 15,000,000? 
There have been general strikes in Belgium 
and Italy and Scandinavia. Why not in 
all countries on the same day? It is 
merely a matter of organization." 

The Syndicalists claim more than 
300,000 members, and are growing. The 
most significant additions to their ranks 
are the school masters who have formed an 
organization for protecting themselves 
against unjust political demands, and for 
raising their pay. Thiers, before he be- 
came President, while still a functionary 


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said, "but not for the exploitation of 
capital. Such a government would be 
local, not national. Each locality would 
have its economic functions taken care of 
by the local government. There would be 
a league of all communes for purposes of 
cooperation. At present the Government 
is a government by property tor property. 
We can overthrow it only by the general 

"But is the general strike possible?" I 

" Why not? We have had strikes of 

of monarchy, objected to the establish- 
ment of government schools in every 
town because he did "not want a red 
priest in even - village." To-day he would 
find these red priests of Socialism every- 
where. I was told that 70 per cent, of 
the primary and secondary school men are 
inclined toward Socialism. Some of the 
texl books are written with a Socialistic 
bias. Herve, for instance, has written 
a school history of France. 

But in spite of the numbers of those 
who have embraced Socialism, in spite 


of its power, you are impressed with the the domain of private property. France 
vagueness of it all. There is that elusive- is a country of men of modest property, 
ness about French Socialism which, to an It has more land holders than Germany, 
Anglo-Saxon, is exasperating. In vain Austria, and England combined. It is a 
you try to pin down a French Socialist frugal, income-loving land. But thou- 
to something definite. He always slips sands of peasants and small shop-keepers 
away from you with his unctuous rhetoric, are Socialists. Their Socialism is specu- 
" We French so dearly love the dramatic, lative, their property is actual — a duality 
the romantic. We adore triumphant in- that never troubles a Frenchman, 
surrection," one of them said to me after Meanwhile Socialism is spreading 
I had tried for half an hour to glue him rapidly. It has multitudes of adherents 
down to a definite proposition. among the educated classes. One is 
Now, this zeal and this vagueness are amazed at the number of college pro- 
just the two characteristics that you must fessors, scholars, lawyers, and authors 
find in a propaganda, a ferment that is that are Socialists. And even Anatole 
to work lasting changes in the established France, the last of the great French 
order of things. Its indefiniteness lures, literati, aristocrat of aristocrats, has taken 
its zeal propels, the unthinking masses. his place by the side of Jaures in the war- 
In France the movement has gradually fare for the poor, 
democratized the populace. It has made Socialism is spreading into every corner 
war increasingly difficult. It has driven of France. Nothing seems able to check 
employers of labor into the defensive. It it. It is an ever-increasing current of 
has not yet destroyed the ancient bureau- discontent and protest. And it will re- 
cracy, but it is at work. quire great genius to guide it — if it can 
It has not made very deep inroads upon be guided. 






IF SOMEONE could only have told "thou shalt not enter"; it simply stood 

me before I left college, how different against the dark sky as a sort of exhilarat- 

my business life would have been! ing promise — as real to me as its massive 

Even now, I seldom pass the great sides of stone and steel. To this sense of 

hotel that, like a giant sentinel, con- material charm and hope, to youth, 

fronts the traveler as he emerges from the abundant vitality, and a Puritanical home 

Grand Central station into 42d Street, training, I owe the fact that I never fa 1 - 

without being mentally transported to tered during the long, weary years that 

the time I arrived in New York to begin have intervened. 

a business career. I have always promised myself and 

College days were not very far behind others that, if the day ever came when I 

me then and life was still enshrouded in felt that I had found my life work, I would 

that nebulous glamour without which no lose no time in telling the story of my 

one can ever live and succeed. To me, struggle, in the hope that those 'who are 

that great, towering thing did not mean giving their lives to the education of 



women and to their preparation for the 
world might read between the lines a lesson 
to be profited by in shaping future educa- 
tional courses. Here is also a special 
message to any woman who has not yet 
formed her future. May it help her to 
decide before she takes a step; otherwise, 
she may find herself wandering around in 
a seemingly aimless circle, as 1 did, filling 
the part of a misfit, until she hits upon the 
thing for which she is temperamentally, 
as well as mentally, fitted. For this 
floundering means physical and mental 
despair, and from that I would save all 
women, if it were possible. 

1 had had a fair preparatory school 
education and my whole idea in taking up 
college work was to fit myself to be a 
teacher, for there was no other pro- 
fession open to women that offered like 
opportunities just then. Four happy, 
care-free years in college, and I was 
launched upon the world, ready to do 
and dare. 

Then the trouble began. A brief career 
of teaching in my home town very clearly 
showed me that my heart was not in the 
work. I was successful, because of energy 
and perseverance, but 1 well remember 
how 1 had to pretend that I was doing 
something else, all through the day, to 
put the necessary snap into it. There are 
plenty of teachers, this minute, who are 
doing the same thing — some of them have" 
confessed it to me. Isn't it a pity? 

Opportunity came in a strange manner. 
I had an inherited taste and love for 
music and the drama. The leading morn- 
ing paper in my home town — a city of 
about 100,000 people — needed someone 
temporarily to report musical and dramatic 
happenings. I heard of it, applied, and 
my rcportorial career started at the princely 
sum of $3 a week. That first $3, however, 
gave me a greater sense of richness than 
my large pay envelope from the school, for 
1 began to realize that here, at last, was 
the thing 1 was fitted for — a life in the 
business world where 1 could see the world 
and be part of it. And. when I was 
allowed to do general reporting and my 
"scoop" on a certain baseball story made 
a New York editor think that it had been 
written by a man, 1 felt that all that was 

necessary was to pack my trunk, go to 
New York, and receive immediately a 
staff position on any paper I deigned to 
select, at a princely salary! Well — I 
had to learn, but I shouldn't want any 
daughter of mine to go through what 1 
did in the learning. 

You will laugh when I tell you that it 
was midsummer when I came to New York. 
It is laughable because everyone knows 
that no one in the business world is taking 
on assistance of any kind during the 
summer months. So, although my news- 
paper friends did their very best, 1 had 
to give up the idea of entering upon a 
literary career, because 1 could not hold 
out financially. 

This lesson I learned only after months 
of living in a room without any day- 
light or air, eating only when I could get 
money enough from what I had written 
to pay for my meals, writing at night and 
tramping the streets all day, trying to 
sell my stories, until 1 began to feel the 
inroads of discouragement upon that 
enthusiasm which had, so far, carried me 
over the rough places. 

At this point I made up my mind to 
learn stenograph}' and to follow no matter 
where it led. A wealth)' woman living 
not far from New York engaged me as 
companion because of my knowledge of 
music and because she said I never looked 
worried! Through her kindness, 1 was 
enabled to study at night, and three times 
a week to go to a business college in New 
York until I had progressed far enough 
to be able to "rattle around" in a steno- 
grapher's position at J58 a week. I ground 
away for a year in that first position — 
hammered the typewriter. It i^ signifi- 
cant that I instinctively kepi from my 
employer the fact that I was a college 
woman. 1 set my teeth when facing 
office discipline, bad tempers, smoking, 
profane language, uncongenial associates, 
and many other things against which 
my whole being cried out. During that 
year, 1 got my business training. 

Still 1 floundered. The next position 
was a little better than the last. There 
was a little metre salary and more respon- 
sibility. M\ executive ability began to 
be recognized. My training as corres- 


pondent brought me to the attention of recently begun to introduce into their 
a prominent house which was doing adver- work some suggestion of domestic training, 
tising through this means and here at and musical courses that have done a 
last I stumbled upon the path that was great deal of good; but, even so, girls 
to lead me back to where I started six in their high school days need guidance 
years before. Finding to their astonish- as to the course that will best prepare them 
ment and my own that I had distinct for the future. I believe that every 
ability for promotive and advertising preparatory school of the grade just be- 
work, I was placed in charge of that yond the ward school should have a woman 
department. The results of my work whose sole duty should be to study care- 
there brought me to the notice of the fully the case of every girl who gives any 
promoters of a magazine requiring just indication of promise and to advise her 
that combination of editorial and adver- what to choose as a profession; and 
tising experience which the last two years especially to show the girls that not all are 
had given me. From that, it was a fitted to enter public or professional life 
natural step to the work I now have in and that there is a wider field for them than 
hand; and so, at the end of all these years any offered by business — the field of 
in New York, I have only just begun. The home. If the same plan of having ad- 
point I want to make is that this is too visors were also to be followed in the 
long a circle for any woman to traverse women's colleges, there would be fewer 
merely to find herself, for it presumes misfits in business and more girls who 
perfect health, sound common sense, would realize the important places they 
boundless patience, unlimited faith, and might occupy after graduation in the life 
an intuitive knowledge of people and of their own homes and of their home 
things; and these are qualifications that towns, 
not everyone possesses. Happily, within the last year or two, 

My story is, of course, only one of groups of educated women in a number of 
hundreds of similar experiences among large cities have begun to realize the 
women of education, whether .they have importance of helping young girls to shape 
had college training or not. Every day their future. To that end, they have 
they drift into the employment offices in arranged for some woman who has suc- 
the big cities — stenographers who want ceeded in her chosen profession to lec- 
to learn decorating, decorators who want ture before the high school girls, to tell 
to do editorial work, teachers who are them of the possibilities, the hardships, 
lured by the strange fascination that and the requirements in her own partic- 
advertising seems to have, women who ular field of work, so that they may 
want to be secretaries but who don't hear, from women who have made the 
know the first thing about stenography and struggle, just what it means to suc- 
who actually resent the suggestion that ceed. For example, in the high school 
it is a necessary qualification for the pro- at Syiacuse, N. Y., Mrs. Van Renns- 
fession they wish to enter. The unrest selaer, of the Household Art Depart- 
manifested by the majority of women in ment of Cornell University, address- 
business shows very plainly that they are ed the girls; and a prominent dressmaker, 
not happy in the sort of work into which a teacher, a public stenographer, and 
they have stumbled through an early others representing a variety of profes- 
lack of knowledge of the profession they sions open to women, told of their ex- 
were best qualified to enter. And the periences while making a career. As a 
conclusion that has been reached by those result their young hearers began to realize 
of us who have come by the long and that not every girl has to be a teacher if 
thorny road is that the real place to begin she has her own living to earn. Certain 
the shaping of a career is in the pre- professions of which they thus heard made 
paratory or high school. a peculiar appeal to some of them; while 

Fortunately, the high schools in the many finally decided that, after all, home 

large cities throughout the country have was a pretty good place. 



Equally important, because of its prac- 
tical assistance to wage-earning women, 
is the bureau of employment for educated 
women, founded in New York about two 
years ago by graduates of all the prominent 
women's colleges. It has the support 
of the colleges thus represented, and on its 
board of directors are women prominent 
in philanthropic and social work. It is 
open not only to college women but also 
to non-collcgiate applicants whose ex- 
perience and training place them in the 
same relative position in professional work. 
One of the chief aims of this bureau is 
to aid women who are beginning their 
careers, as well as to find larger oppor- 
tunities for those of long experience and 
thoroughly tested efficiency. Although 
it has been in active operation less than a 
year, its success in finding the right people 
for the right places has been so great that 
branches are now to be formed in other 
large cities. 

The promoters of this bureau have 
recognized not only the importance of 
advisory work such as I have outlined, 
but also the lack of it in the colleges. To 
help supply that deficiency they have 
engaged a woman of long experience in 
settlement work to consult with and 
advise those who come to the bureau in 
search of work, and also to visit business 
firms throughout the city, to find out the 
opportunities they offer to educated 
women and to gain their cooperation. 
Another member of the staff assists her in 
the most important work of fitting appli- 
cants to positions for which they are suited. 
This involves a careful study of the re- 
quirements of the position offered by the 
employer and a thorough inquiry into the 
experience, qualifications, and tastes of 
the . applicant. Without revealing the 
identity of the firm offering the position, 
the general scope of the work is outlined 
to the applicant, together with the present 
salary offered, possibilities of advance- 
ment, and any other details thai would 
enable her to decide whet her it is the 
kind of opening she is looking for. If it 
does not make a distinct appeal to her, 
she is not sent for an interview, but other 
applicants are questioned until just the 
righl person is found. When a position 

is filled in this way, it is apt to stay filled 
to the satisfaction of both employer and 

The chief officer of the bureau was 
invited early this year by the faculties 
of Vassar, Wellesley, Smith, Bryn Mawr, 
Radcliffe, and Holyoke colleges to appear 
before the students and to tell them of the 
work of the bureau, of the necessity for 
practical training for various careers, of 
the requirements of the several pro- 
fessions, and of what to do to prepare them- 
selves in certain lines before leaving 
college. These things may lead to the 
introduction into the curricula of elect ive 
business courses to be offered during the 
last two years of college. Such teaching 
of stenography, typewriting, office detail, 
secretarial work, editorial work, and com- 
mercial art, supplemented with frequent 
lectures by prominent men and women 
actively engaged in these lines, would 
soon limit the work of the bureau to the 
mere filling of positions. In the mean- 
time, however, they are planning to reach 
out still further, investigating existing 
business conditions and requirements, 
studying the possibilities of every new 
field that opens up for women. 

This story of mine has made no mention 
of the loneliness, with its consequent 
temptations, that is the lot of the woman 
who is blindly groping her way alone 
in the great business centres. Those of 
us who have experienced it are aghast 
at the wish of some women with happy 
homes and children to follow a career. 
Ask the next business woman you meet 
which she would choose — if she had her 
choice. I know now what her answer 
will be. To some business women, of 
course, comes the chance to enter the 
divine field of wifehood and mother- 
hood; but a larger proportion are too 
busy, too tired, too discouraged, to be 
able to have much social life, and so the 
years pass and they find themselves among 
the number of women who are called 
"self-sufficient," "self-reliant." "inde- 
pendent" (how 1 have come to hate 
these words), when in reality they are 
longing to exchange the empty glory of 
success for the home-coming of someone 
and the clinging of chubby arms. 







ERE are some of the political hedge of wrinkles. A hard, firm mouth, 

reforms that Kansas has ob- that his enemies think brutally cruel and 

tained since Walter Roscoe crafty, is slit into a loose-skinned, pinkish 

Stubbs has come into politics face, above a lean, angular jaw. A neck 

— less than ten years ago: that takes a sixteen collar — small for 

State institutions under high class the large bony frame beneath it — adds 

boards, out of politics. to the cast of cruelty of his mobile features. 

All banks, state and national, operating Shoulders that bow easily, a slight stoop 

under a guarantee to pay the depositors, in the top of the lank frame, and an im- 

A statute requiring licenses from sellers pression of a velvety foot beneath the 

and promoters of stocks. long straight legs, complete the picture 

A state treasury that pays interest to of the man known in the Kansas railroad 

the people. lobby as the "old red fox." 

Sound control of all public utilities — He was born — extremely poor — in 

railroads, telephones, express companies, Richmond, Ind., November 7, 1858, the 

telegraph lines, gas and electric companies, year of Roosevelt's birth. He came to 

and street cars. Douglas County, Kan., forty-one years 

A just inheritance tax law. ago. As soon as he was old enough 

A workingman's compensation law. he had to follow the plow, but at eight 

A judicial ouster established against years of age he began business. He 

recalcitrant public officials. borrowed a team of mules and went over 

A compulsory referendum for all fran- to Lawrence, where a railroad was being 

chises granted in Kansas cities. graded, and worked by the day. He was 

Two cent passenger fares. a frugal lad (though he now knows how 

A maximum freight law. to spend what he's got). In time he 

A direct advisory vote on United States had invested in two or three teams of his 

Senators. own and got a small grading contract. 

Commission form of government for Then he got more teams and more work, 

cities. He took to feeding "Bohunk" camps; 

Abolition of passes, registry of lobbyists, he had a feeding contract at the time of 

and establishment of the primary, pro- the building of the big drainage canal in 

viding for a direct vote for the nomination Chicago, in 1893. He became a mil- 

of all elective offices. lionaire — one of the few in Kansas. 

"What are you trying to do?" Stubbs Just before he entered politics, at Law- 
was asked. rence, his home town, he was declaring 

"I am trying to run a state as I would that the Y. M. C. A. business was the 

run a business," was his characteristic reply, greatest thing in the world, and that he 

Look at his picture; it portrays a stub- was going to devote the rest of his life to 

born man — a fighter. Stubbs has gray- it. His enthusiasm is a hardy perennial, 

ing red hair, thinning around a full, bulging but it thrives ever on the yet unaccom- 

forehead. His grayish blue eyes are in- plished. 

clined to squint. And they are set in a Stubbs is a driver: he has followers but 


not friends. Many of those who are knowledge, his genius for organization 

closest to him in politics have no social — and mad clean through. Probably 

relations with him. He consults little he was plain mad long before his moral 

with his supporters. He issues orders, sense got to working. He was ignored, 

but takes little advice. He had lived to and his side was losing, and it didn't sit 

be nearly fifty years old without even tak- well with him. When he was a boy 

ing the time or interest to vote at elections, twelve years old, working for a farmer 

being too engrossed in his business. named Davis, another young fellow said 

Stubbs, besides being a railroad con- a certain hedge couldn't be got down 

tractor, was a wealthy bank president inside of five hours. " It can," persisted 

in a college town, and influential in young Stubbs, and in three hours and a 

Y. M. C. A. circles, when in 1902, M. A half he had tramped it down with his feet. 

Low suggested that he run for the state Stubbs, aged eighteen years, heard that a 

legislature from Douglas County. M. A. murderer was concealed in a barn in 

Low was a general attorney for the Rock Lawrence and that Sheriff Moore was 

Island Railroad, and also he was Stubbs's going after him. "Mr. Moore," said 

friend. It meant nothing coincidental to the youth, "You have a large family. 

Stubbs that a big Senatorial fight was Let me go." And he went in after the 

coming off the next year (in 1903) when murderer, single-handed. Down in the 

the Rock Island people wished to see Curtis Panhandle, contractor Stubbs had a crew 

go to Washington, and that he lived in of 4,000 men. Along came a joint outfit 

Douglas County, the natural territory of to sell liquor, and the first night the boss 

Stanley and Long, who were the candi- went out and, unassisted, did the Carrie 

dates opposing Curtis. Stubbs ran for Nation act himself. Stubbs didn't lie 

and was elected to the state legislature down when his first session of legislature 

in 1902, utterly innocent, on the old "pop- left him unrecognized, 
ular man" gag. And he voted for Curtis. The combination that defeated Curtis 

The first thing he noticed was the defeated Hoch for state printer. Hoch 

enormous retinue necessary to run things was extremely popular, and he was de- 

at the Capitol. There were doorkeepers feated by trickery. The people rebelled 

and janitors of all grades, supervisors and but they could do nothing for the}' could 

assistant supervisors of ventilation to the express themselves only at the county 

fifth and sixth degrees. He stood this conventions (controlled by doorkeepers 

for about thirty days; then he asked for an and assistant superintendents of ventila- 

inquiry, and found out that it was con- tion) and at state conventions (controlled 

sidered that he had made a wrong move, by the interests). But red-headed Ouaker 

Stubbs took lessons in political mis- Stubbs, jeered at for his bill of Inquiry, 

management; three times he saw that saw in the record of the Curtis machine 

special new offices were created. To remnants out of which to build another 

organize for Long, a combination was tied machine and make Hoch a governor; 

up for state printer (two men, in reality and he machinated. The end, at any 

drawing money for this job); the pay- rate, was the nomination of Hoch for 

roll was loaded with men to support governor in 1904. 

Curtis because the Long and Stanley Stubbs ran again for the state legisla- 

elements had combined. But Stubbs ture in 1904; he said he wanted to "clean 

didn't like superintendents of acoustics up." He was elected chairman of the 

and ventilation in the Kansas people's central committee before the election 

state house while he was representing of November. 10:14. and became speaker 

Kansas people. So, with the 1 ong- of the house <.^f representatives. 
Stanley machine and the .Missouri Pacific Here enters the new Stubbs. During 

element in control— the real fight was the preliminary fight for lloch he began 

between ( ould anil the Moore to see the evils of corporate money in 

brothers in New York — in came Stubbs politics, the little influence of the people 

with his inquiring mind, his business and of the individual man. He an- 



nounced, as state chairman, that the 
committee would accept no money from 
corporations or railroads. He started 
in on his reform campaign; exit section 
boss, and enter statesman. 

He elected Hoch, but within three 
months the machine men had more in- 
fluence with Hoch than he had himself; 
Hoch "joined." When Stubbs lost the 
friendship of his governor he went ahead 
into the state convention of 1906 and tried 
to get his remaining reforms into the plat- 
form. He had no standing in the platform 
committee, and he was incontinently 
licked. He lost his prestige, he lost his 
state chairmanship, he was a far poorer 
figure than when he entered politics. 

But the section boss enters again. 
Stubbs, deposed, began organizing Kansas 
voters' leagues, and giving to them as 
principles his planks that were thrown out 
of the Kansas Republican convention. He 
made speeches — many of them — and 
he convinced the people of Kansas that 
he was honest; he blurted out things 
pleasant and unpleasant, but he proved 
facts. He probably would not have 
succeeded as he did, however, had he 
not been used to organizing construc- 
tion work employing 3,000 or 4,000 men 
and 2,000 or 3,000 teams — $1,000,000 

He talked to the men of the state over 
the telephone. When he began his fight 
there were many influential men in 
Kansas who were unused to the sensation 
of being called to the long distance office 
to have a state leader converse with them 
at lunch, and vanity always is vanity. 
And it is estimated that he sometimes 
spent $25 a day on telegrams — phenom- 
enal in Kansas. 

He ran for the legislature again, in the 
fall of 1906. Beaten and thrown out in 
June, he had his leagues going in August, 
had the majority of the legislature pledged 
in September, was a candidate for the 
legislature in November, was elected, 
and began his third term in that body the 
first of the year following. 

Thus far Stubbs had been doing his 
political work on the side — keeping up 
his business interests. He now decided 
to sell his business; railroad contracting 

does not flourish when one is regarded 
by the railroads as a bitter enemy. 

In the legislature of 1907, the Long 
machine and the Curtis machine allied 
against him. Stubbs got the maximum 
rate law through, and the anti-pass law, 
but he failed to pass the primary law. 
Probably he could have compromised 
on the bill and got half of what he asked 
for. He let it go altogether. But the 
next year he had an issue, just what he 
needed, and he went before "the folks." 
This made Stubbs a leader, and he went 
up and down Kansas, talking primary. 

Governor Hoch had a brother-in-law 
who was candidate for United States 
district judge in Oklahoma. The forces 
that had elected Long five years before 
were interested in another candidate, and 
Long refused to support Dickerson, Hoch's 
brother-in-law. Dickerson was defeated. 

Hoch then played even with Long. 
He called a special session of the legisla- 
ture to pass the primary law. In that 
session Stubbs stood up as the principal 
leader and a bigger feature than ever 
before. He stood squarely out against 
all compromises. Hoch, having delivered 
one strong blow, in convening the legisla- 
ture, was incapable of following it up, and 
himself went on the floor of the legislature 
and pleaded with the members of the 
house to pass a weak compromise measure. 
But Stubbs controlled enough votes to 
bring an adjournment without any meas- 
ure if the complete primary law could not 
be passed. That was the big fight of 
February, 1908, when Stubbs conquered 
the compromise. 

He was now the logical candidate for 
United States Senator against Long. 
People told him to get into the race, that 
he could win because of his five years' 
fight for state reform. But Bristow ap- 
peared on the scene as a candidate for 
Senator. He represented many things 
in National affairs that Stubbs stood for 
in local; he was against the machine and 
machine domination, and against rail- 
road control. 

"There is no doubt that Stubbs, through 
his four or five years of struggle, had 
carried this very ambition," says William 
Allen White, who persuaded him to 



renounce the Senatorial contest, "and he 
didn't want to be governor. But he took 
the job he knew he could handle, and 
turned in and helped elect Bristow, who 
became a winner." 

Stubbs yielded because he was persuaded 
that Bristow, who had been in Washington 
for a dozen years and had gotten a National 
training, would make the better Senator. 

Stubbs became candidate for governor 
and was elected in 1908. The changes 
he has affected in the state's administra- 
tion in that time have been a cause for 
National wonder. 

" What am I trying to do?" says Stubbs. 
" I am trying to run a state." 

'There was a law in Kansas," he says, 
"that taxes collected in the one hundred 
and five counties should go to the county 
treasurers, who should send a certain 
proportion to the state treasurer. The 
law prohibited depositing in banks, and 
all was supposed to be kept in the state 
vaults. This was only a supposition. 
In fact, there was a scheme of long stand- 
ing by which the banks would send out 
to a certain county the information that 
the treasurer wanted some money; the 
money then became in correct terminology 
'in process of collection.' The state treas- 
urer is regarded as having generally re- 
ceived from $10,000 to $15,000 a year 
from the banks for the use of this state 
money. 1 hired a room in the National 
Hotel, installed a telephone, and put my 
attention on the depository law by which 
the treasurer is required to deposit the 
state fund in banks, duly credited, and 
turn the interest over to its rightful owner 
— the state. In one term, in comparison 
with the rate of the old steal, $51,700 has 
been saved to the state through the de- 
pository law. 

"During my second legislature, 1 saw 
the new railroad commissioners' law passed 
and the form of the old State Board of 
Charities changed and the employees 
of all charitable institutions put under 
civil service regulations. The state printer 
had for years been making $100,000 a 
\ ear out of the job. Now the printer lias 
a salary; it is $2,500 a year. It is 
estimated that Thomas A. McNeal, under 
state ownership of the plant, has saved 

$50,000 of the peoples' money during 
each of the last four years. 

" During the next legislature was abol- 
ished the free railroad pass and the 
delegate convention, and the direct pri- 
mary was adopted. A law was passed 
making it an offense for an assessor to 
assess any property at less than its value. 
Then the legislature fixed a maximum 
levy — which was about one fifth the rate 
of that which had been in use. The rate of 
the levy was raised five times. The prop- 
erty owners then saw their $4,000,000 be- 
come, the next year, $27,000,000; in 1907, 
$425,281,214; in 1908, $2,414,320,127; 
more than $2,700,000,000 at the present 

" Kansas is required by law to have 
uniform text books, and this gradually 
entailed a problem. The old state law 
fixes the maximum price of text-books. 
Once in four years the state text-book 
commission was selected. The commis- 
sioners would get together in the state 
house and representatives from the pub- 
lishers would come out to call on them. 
A contract meant furnishing books for 
every school in Kansas. I determined 
to stop this scandal. 1 named a new 
board, dismissing a man that had been 
named by every governor since the in- 
stitution of the board and who was no- 
toriously a tool of the book trust. On 
the board 1 put men I thought fitted in, 
regardless of party or creed; there was a 
progressive Democratic member of the 
state senate, George M. Hodges, my late 
rival for governor; Chas. M. Sheldon, 
author of "In His Steps"; and Bishop 
Lillis of the Roman Catholic Church. 

"In pursuance of this same policy I 
made a non-partisan board of regents for 
the state agricultural college, an institu- 
tion which is the pride of Kansas. There 
was an efficient man across the line, Prof. 
Henry J. Waters, clean (^ the .Missouri 
agricultural college, and I got Waters, a 
.Missouri Democrat, to be the Kansas 
agricultural college's president, and Waters 
lias delivered the goods in an unparalleled 
manner. 1 named a Democrat as one of 
the three members of the state tax com- 
mission. The state tax levy was reduced 
20 per cent, last \ ear by reason of economy 



in state administration and the increase 
in valuation — personal property added 
in 1910 over 1909 being $46,956,657, of 
which $6,500,000 were real estate mort- 

Stubbs was elected in 1908 on the issue 
of effective prohibition. While Kansas 
had substantial prohibition for twenty- 
eight years, it has had absolute prohibition 
since May, 1909. The Governor attributes 
most of this effectiveness to the Attorney- 
General, Fred S. Jackson, and his aides 
— a just accrediting beyond a doubt. 

"Two years ago," says the Governor, 
" prohibition states received absolutely no 
support from the Federal Government. 
If a liquor dealer had his receipt for having 
paid the internal revenue tax, the Federal 
Government would not prosecute him; 
the stamp was his protection. I paid a 
personal visit to President Taft. 'Your 
law requires,' I told him, 'that a liquor 
seller have a place to display his receipt; 
we keep him moving about, and when a 
man peddles liquor without a fixed license, 
you should cooperate with us.' Taft 
said he would talk the matter over with 
Attorney-General Wickersham. Time 
passed and nothing was done. I wrote 
him letters;' sent telegrams; kept on 
hammering at him. When no action 
resulted, I had to send him telegrams and 
give them lots of publication. One morn- 
ing President Taft made an order requir- 
ing the United States District Attorney 
to prosecute that class of itinerant offenders 
whether they had licenses or not. New 
regulations for Kansas resulted, and the 
state rallied to a man." 

" I assert," said Governor Stubbs, in a 
speech delivered at Chicago a year or so 
ago, " that drunkenness in Kansas has 
been reduced to such a point that I have 
not seen a drunken man in the city of 
Topeka, a place of 50,000 inhabitants, 
during the last twelve months; that I 
do not have any recollection of having 
seen a drunken man in my home town of 
Lawrence, a place of 15,000 people, for 
several years; that in making a campaign 
throughout the entire state and delivering 
public addresses in ninety-two counties, I 
do not recall seeing a drunken man during 
the year." 

" If I had nothing else to do, I think the 
work at the penitentiary would be worth 
all the time of my governmental position," 
he has said in personal conversation. He 
induced J. L. Codding, a Topeka lawyer, 
to give up a lucrative law practice and a 
life's profession for a much smaller in- 
come and the duties of prison manage- 
ment at Lansing, where he is accomplish- 
ing wonders with his splendid sense, 
knowledge of men, and humanity. 

"He is foolish about it," says the 
Governor proudly. "And he should be, 
for he has revolutionized the penitentiary. 
Better food is served the men; he has 
provided better quarters and better food 
in the insane wards, with three meals a 
day instead of two, resulting in the return 
to work of nearly half of the insane pa- 
tients; prisoners working in the shops 
and mines are given two hours a week for 
outdoor recreation, when 'silence' is re- 
moved; the number of inmates of the 
hospital has been reduced more than half, 
giving to the state vastly more labor from 
the men; not a single new case of tuber- 
culosis has appeared in a year." 

The penitentiary gives economic returns 
before undreamed of to the state. The 
brick plant, employing half the number 
of men it had before, now doubles profits. 
It now turns out half a million brick a 
month, and the prison mine is producing 
$15,000 worth of coal every month. It 
is one of the best managed mines in the 
West, and is thoroughly equipped with 
safety appliances. The twine plant pays 
a considerable profit to the state. A dairy 
herd now furnishes all the milk for the 
prisoners' use and saves more than Si, 000 
per year. Vast quantities of food pro- 
ducts have cheapened the cost as well as 
improved the condition of prisoner main- 

Stripes are reserved for extreme punish- 
ment; caps may be worn at the angle 
individuality dictates; the lockstep is a 
vanished night-mare; uniformity is ban- 
ished. Three hundred and twenty men 
attend the prison school, 400 voluntarily 
attend the night school, in 15 months the 
membership of the Prison Church has 
grown from 60 to 260 voluntary members. 
Preparations are afoot for raising the 



institution's own tobacco leaf and broom 
corn. And the Governor has conceived 
an idea that it is not right to make money 
out of crime, so his scheme is to divide 
proceeds, from $75,000 to $100,000 an- 
ually, among the unfortunate wives and 
families of the prisoners. 

The Guaranty Bank Act, which went 
through the last legislature but one, 
guarantees to bank depositors a security 
they never had before. Eight hundred 
state banks, with more than $800,000,000 
in deposits, comply with it, not because 
they are compelled to do so, but because 
they would not now have depositors other- 
wise. Under the management of J. N. 
Dooley, State Bank Commissioner, the 
new idea is to put up a certain percentage 
of the total deposits in public bonds, the 
interest going to the banks as though in 
the vaults. These bonds may be sold in 
case of necessity to recoup the possible 
loss to depositors. The Governor, in the 
wind-up of the fight for this bill, went 
himself before the senate, argued and 
labored, and got the bill passed. An 
information bureau to advise prospective 
investors in the proper worth of stocks 
and bonds saved the people of Kansas 
more than $1,000,000 the last year. 

Governor Stubbs cleaned out the state 
grain department. The delinquent officers 
were not only impeached but criminal 
proceedings were instituted against them, 
and civil suits to recover shortages. The 
force of the grain department was reduced; 
the padded pay-roll was purged of straw 
men. The year before Governor Stubbs 
came in, the expenditures exceeded re- 
ceipts by $26,000; in his first year of 
office, they exceeded by $11. 

The Governor modestly attributes the 
success of these changes to the men he has 
chosen; yet not too modestly he reiterates 
that he knows a man for a job when he 
sees him. 

Here is part of his platform: 

We declare for the following policies; 

(A) To submit to the people in t he election 
of 1912 a constitutional amendmenl giving 
the people the power to recall officers of city, 
county, and state governments, whom they 
believe to be derelict or unfaithful, under 
procedure similar to that now granted to cities 

of the first class adopting the commission form 
of government, and to give the recall promptly 
to the people upon every officer under legisla- 
tive authority. 

(B) To submit to the people of Kansas a 
constitutional amendment in 1912 giving them 
the right to initiate legislation and to vote upon 
certain legislative enactments, with a 5 per 
cent, petition for a referendum vote. 

The main issue during the last campaign 
was the public utilities law: 

In campaign speeches, Stubbs takes off 
his coat and goes after his subject in his 
shirt sleeves. His manner on the stump 
is not that of a conventional after-dinner 
speaker nor is his language that of a 
grammarian. He has no idea of what 
dramatic ability means. His speech and 
his manner are homely, but both are 

" I 've been Governor now for four years ; 
almost four years — not quite. I told you 
I would do what was right. If I haven't, 
kick me out now, and put in the other 

That is the way he says it. He is the 
most popular speaker in Kansas with the 
possible exception of oratorical Victor 
Murdock. His sincerity carries. 

Stubbs knows little of parliamentary 
usage and cares less. He was chairman 
of the Republican convention in Wichita 
once when some one made a motion that 
was quickly seconded. "Alright," bel- 
lowed Stubbs. "All in favor — just a 
minute, just a minute," he interpolated 
to someone on the side who was clamor- 
ing for remarks, "All in favor, aye. All 
opposed, no. The ayes have it. Now 
what is it you want over there?" 

During the state convention in which 
was fought the bitter fight against Curtis, 
he was chairman. For four years Curtis 
had been jibing and jeering at Stubbs from 
afar, for he knew Stubbs only casually. 
It was Curtis's last stand. In the con- 
vention he represented the forlorn hope, 
but he is a finished parliamentarian, and 
he played off his tactics and sparred for 
position. This was fake fighting to 
Stubbs; he knew Curtis had only agility 
and adroitness against his own bull 
Strength. He waited till Curtis made 
some inconsequential motion, then he 











came loping down the platform to Curtis 
like a cat to gloat over its prey. 

"The gentleman's motion is out of 
order. The ayes? — the ayes have it. 
No noes. The committee is named, 1 
have it here in my pocket" — and out it 
came. "Ha! Ha! Ha!" he laughed that 
horrible, maniacal laugh that is famous 
over the state. Stubbs smashed Curtis 
out of the convention with that laugh. 

Stubbs grins often; he doesn't lose his 

•" * UK 

l . 3L - 


•si-^^ B^^^ ' 



temper — though he is as bull-headed as 
a mule. About eight o'clock the morning 
after he had fought the all-night fight 
which won the direct primary from the 
machine, he was crossing Kansas Avenue 
with his secretary, Dave Leahy, on his 
way to a restaurant for breakfast. An 
automobile came whizzing down on them 
and Leahy jumped, as almost any man 
would. Stubbs looked up and, seeing 
that the car was driven bv Dave Mulvane, 

the leader of the whipped political machine, 
he stood stock still. Both men grinned, 
but Mulvane turned out and gave Stubbs 
the right of way. 

George Gould had experience of his 
stubbornness when Stubbs wanted the 
murderous Central Branch tracks of the 
Missouri Pacific in Kansas set in order. 
Stubbs sent a telegram to Gould saying that 
he would put the railroad in the hands 
of a receiver unless the tracks were fixed. 
Vice-President Clark of the road ap- 
peared in Topeka with a retinue, took up 
quarters in the State House and asked 
what was wanted of them. "Fix the 
tracks," said the Governor. Clark 
sparred, and Stubbs took the train to 
New York and invited Gould to come to 
see him at his room in the Waldorf. He 
didn't propose going to see Gould. The 
railroad president came. "We must have 
a stenographer take down what we say," 
said Stubbs. "No," said Gould. "Yes," 
said Stubbs, and the stenographer ap- 
peared. Gould balked at Stubbs's demand 
that he should tell what the underwriting 
of the Missouri Pacific's $28,000,000 loan 
would cost, so that the loan could go back 
into the property. " Yes" — "No" — 
"Yes" — it went again. Stubbs won. 

The Governor's sense of fair play 
showed itself during the coal strike in 
southwestern Kansas when 35,000 miners 
were on strike for higher pay. The coal 
operators wanted to import some Ala- 
bama Negroes to take the place of the 
strikers and asked that the state militia be 
sent to the mining camps. Stubbs re- 
fused the request on the ground that it 
was for the purpose of forcing the miners 
to accept terms. At the same time he 
told the miners that if they caused any 
trouble to property he would send the 
militia after them. The result was that 
though the strike continued five months, 
not one blow was struck. Both sides 
equally feared and respected the Governor. 

So Kansas hails the controversial fighter 
who went into the 1905 convention jeered 
at for a fool. They now know what he is. 
He has become the most prominent 
figure in his state, and when he feels that 
he has done all there that he can do, let 
the larger territory beyond watch out! 



THE Grand Canon of the Colo- 
rado, the Yellowstone and 
Yosemite Parks, and the Big 
Trees are well known by name 
and by pictures, and an in- 
creasing number of Americans are gaining 
the understanding which comes with 
actually seeing these wonders of nature. 
But few people even know of the other 
nine parks, some of which contain scenery 
as inspiring and unusual as that of the 
Yellowstone or the Yosemite. The 
average acquaintance does not include 
a person who knows anything of the 
sixty-three living glaciers and the count- 
less snow clad peaks of the Glacier Na- 
tional Park, the top of the continent in 
Montana, from which the waters run 
into the Arctic, the Gulf of Mexico, and 
the Pacific. Mt. Rainier, the great vol- 
canic mountain between Seattle and Ta- 
coma, is well known --from a distance — 
but even the name of Crater Lake, nestled 
in the centre of that great Mt. Mazama 
which caved in, is almost unheard. Yet 
there are few natural phenomena more 
worth seeing. The General Grant and 
Sequoia National Parks in California 
preserve perhaps the oldest living things 
in the world — the big trees; and the 
Mesa Verde Park in Arizona holds the 
earliest traces of human life in this 
country, the ruins of the homes of the 
cliff dwellers. 

These cliff dwellings were in ruins three 
hundred years ago when the Spaniards first 
saw them; but they still retain many evi- 

dences of a well developed art of living — 
the masonry of their houses shows that 
they had engineering skill; their pottery 
gives proof of an advanced artistic taste; 
and the remains upon the mesas above 
their dwellings show that they tilled the 
soil successfully. Few more picturesque 
rides can be found than those that lead up 
the narrow trails to these cliff homes. The 
principal ruin is the Cliff Palace, 300 feet 
long, that contains 200 living rooms and 
many larger assembly rooms that were 
used for tribal councils and for religious 
ceremonies. The park contains at least 
375 cliff houses. 

But the care of the parks has been 
neglected by the Government as their true 
worth (with perhaps the three exceptions 
noticed above) has been unappreciated 
by the public. For the last forty years 
parks have been created and maintained 
by acts of Congress without much of any 
system. But the twelve existing parks, 
with their nearly five million acres, the 
forty-one national monuments, and such 
proposed reservations as the Park of 
Living Volcanoes in Hawaii, are important 
enough now to merit more attention from 
the Government as well as from the 

In this Hawaiian park, for example, are 
the wonderful active volcano of Kilauea, 
with its seething caldron 1,000 feet in 
diameter; Mauna Loa, that towers 13,675 
feet to its crest where is the still active 
crater of Mokuaweoweo; Mauna Kea, 200 
feet higher; and the extinct Haleakala, 








Cupyritjlu 1907 oy the Kiser Photo Co., Portland, Ore. 




Copyright, 1911, by the Kiser Photo Co. 






Copyright, 1910, by Kiser Photo Co 












;n by the Detroit Publishing:. Co. 


whose bowl is seven miles in diameter - 
the largest known extinct crater in the 
world. Haleakala's rim rises 10,000 feet 
above the sea level, and its crater floor is 
sunk 2,500 feet below the rim. 

In the Crater Lake park is a lake, 2,000 
feet deep, surrounded by the sheer cliff 
walls of an extinct volcanic cone, a thou- 
sand feet in height, fed by no streams but 
only from the snows that melt from its 
own sides, feeding no known streams, a 
wondrous, lonely, and serene body of 
transparent blue water set in the inverted 
peak of what was once probably the 
greatest mountain in Oregon. 

In the Glacier National Park, one of the 
largest of the ice-fields is the Sperry Gla- 

cier which spreads fan-shape from its 
source on the crest of Glacier Mountain for 
a distance of five miles and then pours its 
melted ice over two waterfalls into the lake 
5,000 feet below. The Wilber .Mountain 
Glacier towers 1,000 feet above Iceberg 
Lake and drops from it > frozen lips great 
masses of ice that grind against each 
other in the water with a sound thai 
goes wailing down the canons. 

But in spite of the fact that these parks 
are dedicated to public use and enjoyment, 
they do not as yet really fulfil their mis- 
sion. The development and maintenance 
of the parks could be greatly improved. 

The Secretary of the Interior, in his 
report to Congress, says: 


*' At present each of these parks is a 
separate and distinct unit for adminis- 
trative purposes. The only general super- 
vision which is possible is that obtained 
by referring matters relating to the 
national parks to the same officials in the 
office of the Secretary of the Interior. 
Separate appropriations are made for 
each park and the employment of a com- 
mon supervising and directing force is 
impossible. Many of the problems in 
park management are the same in all the 
national parks, and a great gain would be 
obtained and substantial economies could 
be effected if the national parks and 
reservations were grouped together under 
a single administrative bureau. Bills to 
create a bureau of national parks have 




heretofore been introduced in Congress, 
and in my judgment they should imme- 
diately receive careful consideration so 
that proper legislation for this purpose may 
be enacted. Adequate appropriation 
should also be made for the development 
of these pleasure grounds of the people, 
especially through the construction of 
roads and trails, and their proper care and 

As the Government and the railroads 
are making the parks more easily visited 
Americans will more and more get the 
habit of seeing these "dramatic" points 
of American scenery before going else- 
where — not as a patriotic duty but be- 
cause there is nothing in natural scenery 
more worth while. 











SCIENCE has definitely fixed 
upon the mosquito the respon- 
sibility for every case of malaria 
and for every case of yellow 
fever. Even the varieties of 
mosquito that do not carry the para- 
sites of these diseases are recognized as 
beiag important contributors to the in- 
crease of nervous affections. The mosquito 
is no longer regarded as merely a nuisance, 
and the resources of states, counties, and 
municipalities have been brought to bear in 
the effort to exterminate it. 

It is easy to get rid of mosquitoes. 
There are few sections of the United 
States that are entirely free from them. 
The largest and most numerous varieties 
prevail along the Atlantic Coast. These 
are the "Jersey mosquitoes" which have 

given that state an unenviable reputation. 
They breed in the salt marshes all the 
way from .Massachusetts to Florida, where- 
ever a fresh water stream dilutes the 
ocean saltiness sufficiently to attract the 
mosquito, which will not lay its eggs in 
undiluted salt water. Hut the salt marsh 
mosquito, although capable of causing 
the most intense annoyance, is not so 
dangerous as some of the fresh water 
varieties. The malaria (Anopheles) mos- 
quito breeds only in fresh water pools 
and the "Stegonu ia" variety I which is the 
carrier of yellow fever) propagates its 
kind in any stagnant body of water, even 
in the houses. The commonest of all 
mosquitoes, the "Culex," of which fifty- 
seven varieties are known, also breeds 
wherever water stands. 



From the cast in the American Museum of Natural History, New York 



Protection from the mosquito would 
be almost impossible but for the fact that 
the commonest varieties never travel 
more than one hundred feet or so from the 
place where they were hatched. When 
driven by strong winds, the big striped- 
legged "Jersey mosquitoes" sometimes 
travel miles from the marshes in which 
they were bred, but so thoroughly have 
the states and localities in which the worst 
of these marshes are located gone at the 
work of extermination that it is a question 

of but a short time when this particular 
form of the pest will not be a serious factor 
in the mosquito problem. The real prob- 
lem is for the individual householder, or, 
at most, the immediate communitv to 

It is easy to rid a house of mosquitoes, 
only a little more difficult to keep them out, 
and far from a Herculean task to prevent 
new broods from arising. Nor is it im- 
possible to keep from being bitten, even 
when mosquitoes are fairly thick. 






If bitten by a mosquito, moisten a piece 
of toilet soap and rub it on the bite. This 
is the advice given by Dr. L. O. Howard, 
Chief Entomologist of the United States 
Department of Agriculture, who has made 
extensive researches into the habits of the 
mosquito. Dr. Howard also recommends, 
as the most effective application for 
keeping mosquitoes away from one's 
person, rubbing the hands and face with 
a mixture of two parts each of oil of 
Citronella and spirits of camphor with one 
part of oil of cedar. " A few drops of this 
mixture on a towel hung over the head of 
the bed will keep the common house 
mosquitoes away," says Dr. Howard. 
"A few drops on the hands and face will 
keep them away for hours. The evapt na- 
tion of the mixture may be retarded by 
mixing it with castor oil or liquid vaseline." 

Ridding a house of mosquitoes may be 
accomplished by catching the individual 
mosquitoes and by fumigation, provided 
there is effectual screening and full pre- 
cautions taken to prevent others from 
breeding in the house. While some varie- 
ties of mosquito, including the yellow 
fever varieties, bite more freely in the da) 
time than at night, most of them are 
active only after dark. It is easy to find 

them on the ceiling or light-colored walls, 
and they can be caught by means of a 
shallow tin can attached to the end of a 
pole and containing a teaspoonful of 
kerosene. One must catch every mos- 
quito in the room, to insure a good night's 




quito in the room to insure a good night's breeding places, rather than in their 
rest. If the cup is pressed against the destruction or sterilization, that the in- 
ceiling so as to inclose the mosquito the genuity of the householder who wishes to 
insect, attempting to fly, will be caught in free his home from the tiny pests will 
the kerosene and killed. A mosquito trap be most severely taxed. It is compara- 
used in India consists of a box lined with tively simple to drain a marshy spot in 
dark cloth and with a hinged door at one the lawn or garden, or to grasp the fact 
end. This is placed in a dark corner of that a fish-pond or fountain is a good place 
the room, as mosquitoes always seek a for mosquito'es to lay their eggs, but it 
cool, shady place in which to rest. If does not occur to the average individual 
driven out of all other dark places they until his attention is sharply drawn to it 
will gather during the day in this box that there is no body of water too small 
which can then be closed and the mos- to furnish a nursery for the infant mos- 
quitoes killed by pouring a teaspoonful quito. Large broods have been found 
of benzine through a hole. to be produced from rain water puddles 

The most effective way of killing all the in hoofprints by the roadside. A little 

mosquitoes in a house, however, is by used horse-trough is a very common 

fumigation. Tests made by various ex- source of mosquitoes. Chicken pans in 

perimenters indicate that the ordinary poultry yards, the water cup standing 

pyrethrum, or " Persian insect powder," on the frame of the grindstone, and even 

if pure and reasonably fresh, is the best the water that accumulates in garden 

fumigant for this purpose. If heaped furrows, especially where the soil is clayey, 

up in a cone and lighted at the top, this may produce mosquitoes in myriads, 

powder will burn slowly and give out a Houses that have been carefully searched 

dense smoke, or it may be moistened and have still been infested with mosquitoes 

molded into cones which will burn readily until the source was found in water 

after drying with less waste of powder, pitchers in unused guest rooms. Mos- 

The smoke stupifies the mosquitoes which quitoes have been known to breed in 

must be swept up and burned after the flower vases in which the water was not 

fumigation. It takes about a pound of frequently changed. It is customary to 

insect powder for every thousand cubic attribute the presence of mosquitoes 

feet of interior space. Another effective to swamps or ponds in the near neigh- 

fumigant, known as " Mimms Culicide," borhood, but more often the cause will be 

is made of equal parts by weight of car- found in a discarded tomato can in the 

bolic acid crystals and gum camphor, back yard or in some overlooked recep- 

The melted crystals are poured slowly tacle for water in the cellar. Every effort 

over the gum, which is absorbed, and the to exterminate the mosquito in one of the 

result is a clear liquid which may be kept large state hospitals failed until, in a dark 

some time in tight jars. Three ounces corner of an unused cellar, the investi- 

of this Culicide placed over a lamp or gators came across a half barrel partly 

other moderate heat, will give off sufficient filled with water. In another case the 

vapor to kill all the mosquitoes in an or- mosquitoes in a house originated in a beer 

dinary sized room. bottle partly filled with water in the cellar, 

Screens for mosquitoes must be abso- and Dr. Howard reports a veritable 

lutely tight and with a mesh of not less plague of mosquitoes that was traced to a 

than twenty to the inch. A mesh of case of empty beer bottles allowed to 

fifteen to the inch will admit the smaller remain in a back yard. Mosquito larvae 

varieties of house mosquitoes. have also been known to breed in the 

There can be no permanent relief from holy water fonts in churches, while in 

mosquitoes, however, without the de- one house where every possible breeding 

struction of their breeding places, and these place, had been, it was thought, discov- 

breeding places may be any place where ered and drained, they were found to 

water can accumulate and stand for a few originate in the water tank of an acetylene 

days. And it is in the discovery of these gas machine. Fire buckets, fragments 



of broken bottles placed on top of stone 
walls, disused wells, open ditches by the 
roadside, sewer catch basins, old boxes 
and cans thrown on the dump heap, 
unscreened water tanks, rain water barrels 
and cesspools — in short, any place where 
half a pint of water or even less is allowed 
to stand for ten days or more, becomes 
the mosquito's breeding place. The only 
exception is the aquarium, for gold fish 
and almost all kinds of fresh water fish 
eat the young mosquitoes as fast as they 
are hatched. 

Since mosquitoes breed only in stand- 
ing water their elimination is a matter 
only of finding the possible breeding places. 
Once these are found it is perfectly easy 
to keep mosquitoes down. Every re- 
ceptacle that can contain water should 
be emptied and so placed that it will not 
fill again the next time it rains. If it is 
a tank or barrel or cistern which must be 
kept filled, it is easy to fit it with a tight 
screen cover that will keep out the female 
mosquito that is looking for a place to 
lay her eggs. The draining of marshes 
and useless ponds is usually comparatively 
easy, but where this is impossible the 
application to the surface of the water 
of a very small quantity of kerosene oil 
will kill all the immature mosquitoes thac 
may be present and keep the adult mos- 
quitoes from depositing their eggs. The 
oil must be so applied that it will spread 
over the entire surface of the water. This 
can be done by pouring small quantities 
at intervals around the edge or by sprav- 
ing marshy areas with any kind of a spray- 
ing device such as is used in orchards. 
The oil forms a thin film that prevents 
the young mosquito from coming to the 
surface to breathe. If the body of water 
be a Jarge one a heavy wind will sometimes 
break the film of oil and in a few sunshiny 
days much of the oil will evaporate. Fre- 
quent attention and a very little kerosene 
will, however, keep a good-sized farm 
entirely free from mosquitoes all summer. 
One ounce of kerosene is sufficient for 
fifteen square feet of water surface. 

The common mosquito requires but 
ten days for development from the laying 
of the egg to the final hatching of the full- 
11 edged, biting mosquito. The malaria 

mosquito takes about twenty-one days 
from egg to adult. Water that stands 
exposed less than ten days, therefore, is 
not dangerous, but a large brood of mos- 
quitoes may be hatched in a roadside 
puddle that completely evaporates in two 
weeks. Very often depressions that hold 
water temporarily go unnoticed by reason 
of high grass that surrounds them, and this 
is frequently the case in city parks, which 
are the most prolific sources of mosquitoes 
in most Northern cities. 

The common inland mosquito deposits 
its eggs, 250 to 400 at one time, on the 
surface of the water at night. The mass 
of eggs is held firmly together and floats 
like a small raft. The eggs hatch in from 
fifteen to twenty hours, producing the 
larvae — the "wrigglers" often seen in 
rain-water barrels and cisterns. When 
fully grown, which is within a few days, 
they are about one quarter of an inch long 
and move through the water with a rapid, 
jerky motion, coming to the surface to 
breathe every minute or two. In from 
eight to ten days the larvae pass into the 
pupa stage, in which the head is apparently 
greatly increased in size. In from two 
to three days the full-fledged mosquito 
bursts through the pupa-case and flies 
away on its quest for blood. 

Easily the most annoying of all mos- 
quitoes is the huge striped-legged "Jersey 
mosquito" of the Atlantic Coast. The 
first efforts toward eliminating this par- 
ticular variety were begun in 1905 by Dr. 
Alvah H. Doty, Health Officer of the Port 
of New York for many years. Staten 
Island, in New York Harbor, on which 
the Quarantine Station is located, is 
bordered by salt marshes in which in- 
numerable mosquitoes developed and made 
almost the whole of the beautiful island 
uninhabitable for persons sensitive to 
mosquito bites. Doctor Doty's method 
was that of drainage and oiling. Ditches 
which drained the marshes on both sides 
of (he island were dug and at frequent 
intervals kerosene oil was sprinkled over 
all the undrained or undrainable portions. 
The result was a real decrease in the 
number of mosquitoes, and after three years 
of this work the demand for porch screens 
on Staten Island began to fall off. 



To Doctor Doty must be given the 
credit for having pointed the way to 
mosquito extermination. In New Jersey 
they followed his Staten Island demonstra- 
tions so that in the next seven years 
considerably more than half of the salt 
marshes had been ditched and drained 
with a result, according to competent 
observers, of reducing the annual mos- 
quito output more than 80 per cent. 

The method of ditching is simplicity 
itself. The soft earth of the marshes is as 
easy to cut as so much butter. Most 
of the work has been done by Mr. Jesse 
P. Manahan, of Red Bank, with machines 
of his own invention: a hand cutter, with 
which two men can dig 500 feet of ditch, 
ten inches wide and thirty inches deep, 
in a day; and a power digger operated 
by a gasolene engine that can do a mile 
of the same sized trench in a working day. 
In the vicinity of Newark and Jersey City, 
oil has also been used on the marshes 
at the expense of persons interested in 
reclaiming the marsh land, but even in 
sections where only drainage has been 
used the effect has been almost magical. 
No exact statistics are available, but 
thousands of acres of useless marsh land 
have been reclaimed and now produce a 
large tonnage per acre of excellent hay, 
and the only mosquitoes now regarded 
as a serious menace in Northern New 
Jersey are those that are found every- 
where else in the United States — the 
fresh water varieties. Similar ditching 
and draining has been undertaken by other 
states, notably Connecticut and South 
Carolina, and by many isolated counties 
and individual land owners in other states. 
A similar method of draining fresh water 
swamps has been adopted in several inland 

That most of the mosquitoes in cities 
are developed in the cities themselves 
has been repeatedly demonstrated. The 
report for 191 1 of the mosquito inspec- 
tions in Newark, N. J., shows that, in 
all, 9,777 house-to-house inspections were 
made in that town. Thirty-five hundred 
sewer catch basins were oiled once every 
fifteen days during the summer. The in- 
spectors found 638 rain-water barrels, 125 
rain water pools, 49 unused tannery vats, 

10 fire tanks, 12 manure pits, 19 cisterns, 
28 cellar foundations, and 16 sewer basins 
on private property, all breeding mosqui- 
toes. And these do not take into account 
the minor and much more numerous 
breeding places inside of buildings them- 
selves. All these breeding places, as soon 
as found, were treated with kerosene. 
This work was in addition to the city's 
own share of the ditching and draining of 
the salt marshes. 

A very complete municipal campaign 
against the malaria mosquito was begun 
several years ago in the progressive little 
city of Hartsville, S. C, and has been 
continued annually ever since. The 
methods employed in Hartsville may be 
very easily adapted to the requirements 
of any community . The board of health 
first published a circular pointing out the 
danger of mosquitoes- and recommending 
screening and constant supervision of 
premises to prevent their breeding. This 
was placed in the hands of every house- 
holder. Then the town council made a 
survey of the entire city, drained a few 
low places where rain water was accus- 
tomed to accumulate, and inaugurated a 
system of weekly inspection of all premises 
and ditches in town, putting kerosene oil 
regularly upon any water which could 
not be drained or emptied. They quickly 
found that most of the mosquitoes were 
being bred in the back yards, and the 
importance of preventing water from 
standing was again emphasized to the 
individual citizens. Though statistics are 
not available, Dr. William Egleston, 
Health Commissioner of Hartsville, re- 
ports that malaria, though extremely 
prevalent up to ten years ago, is now 
practically a negligible disease, and that 
constant attention to the work of ex- 
termination has made it possible for the 
inhabitants to sit on their porches on sum- 
mer evenings without the discomfort of 
mosquitoes or the expense of screens. 

New Orleans is the largest city in the 
United States in which there has been 
anything like concentrated community 
effort at eliminating the mosquito. The 
object of the New Orleans crusade was to 
get rid of the yellow fever mosquito, and 
the results obtained in the Crescent City 

8 4 


demonstrated two things — first, that it 
is possible to abolish the mosquito and, 
second, that the abolition of the mosquito 
puts an end to yellow fever. The yellow 
fever mosquito breeds, not in swamps, but 
in cisterns and pools of fresh water. The 
beginning of the campaign in New Orleans 
was the establishment of a sewerage 
system at the cost of $14,000,000, the city 
having, prior to 1900, been without 
sewers. This was followed by stringent 
ordinances requiring householders to screen 
all cisterns and other permanent recep- 
tacles for water that could not be abolished, 
because the city was dependent upon them 
for its entire water supply; and empower- 
ing the board of health to drain and oil 
every other possible breeding place of the 
mosquito. Heavy penalities were im- 
posed for failure to obey the terms of the 
ordinance and for -a period of several 
years not a single case of yellow fever, 
which theretofore had hardly failed to 
appear annually, has been observed in 
the city. 

The story of the elimination of yellow 
fever in the Cuban cities, with its tale of 
heroism on the part of the courageous 
investigators who demonstrated the 
mosquito theory of yellow fever at 
the cost of their own lives, has been 
often told. 

The only really dangerous mosquito 
in most parts of the country is the one 
that carries malaria parasites from the 
blood of infected persons and deposits 
them in the circulation of healthy individ- 
uals. Wherever a case of "chills and 
fever" is found the malaria mosquito 
has been there first. Swampy countries 
are generally known to be malarial dis- 
tricts, but all that is needed to make them 
as healthful as the uplands is to get rid 
of the mosquito. The ancient super- 
stitution about the dangers of night air 
and the mists arising from swamps had 
a solid foundation in scientific fact. 
Night air itself is less likely to be polluted 
with smoke and dust, and mists do not 
produce disease; but the mosquito that 
carries the malaria parasite flies at night 
and the vapors from the swamps are 
nature's danger signals to mark his hunt- 
ing grounds. 

It is very easy to distinguish the malaria- 
carrying mosquito. When biting or stand- 
ing at rest the hinder part of its body is 
elevated at an angle of nearly forty-five 
degrees from the surface on which it stands. 





All other varieties of mosquito maintain 
a horizontal position when at rest, but 
this peculiar attitude of the malaria mos- 
quito, combined with its disproportion- 
ately long legs, distinguish it at a glance. 
And although Mr. Kipling did not specific- 
ally refer to the mosquito, it is neverthe- 
less true of it that "the female of the 
species is more deadly than the male." 
Although the males outnumber the fe- 
males by tens to one, the male mosquito 
never bites and, in fact, seldom eats. 
His life is a brief and joyless one. The 
female mosquito, however, although pre- 
ferring human blood when obtainable, 
will eat plant juices and the blood of 
reptiles when warm blooded animals are 
not accessible. Indeed, it is probable 
that not one mosquito in a million ever 
gets a taste of human blood. The female 
mosquito often lives through the winter, 
hibernating in dark places like attics, 
clothes-presses, and the crevices between 
floor and base-board, or outdoors in the 
cracks in the bark of trees. As soon as 
the pools of water are warm enough in 
the spring so her eggs will not freeze she 
begins to lay, and ten days to three weeks 
later the young mosquitoes sally forth for 
their first taste of blood. 

Just why the mosquito insists upon 
leaving its visiting card in the shape of a 
tiny drop of poison has not been fully 
explained. The best theory is that the 
>aliva that the insect injects into the 
wound through which it sucks the blood 
of its victim serves the purpose of pre- 
\ iiiting the blood from clotting as it is 
sucked in. It is through this injection 



of saliva that the malaria parasite is interesting fact about the mosquito is, 
transmitted by the mosquito, after having again, that its elimination is not only 
been previously taken into the mosquito's possible but comparatively easy, and that 
system from the blood of an infected no one need suffer from mosquitoes if 
person. individuals and communities will cooper- 
But the most important, if not the most ate toward its extinction. 







This article and those that follow it are the result of a long and intimate association with 
business conditions and the remedies for the evils of competition and for the evils of mon- 
opoly outlined herein have been demonstrated and are in actual operation 



(author of "the law of combinations," etc.) 

THE basis of the new compe- 
tition is the open price policy. 
There was a time when the 
secret price policy prevailed 
in the retail trade in this and 
all other countries, when every merchant 
large and small sold his wares at as many 
prices as he had customers, even to the 
tricky or inadvertent charging of the same 
customer for the same goods different 
prices on different days. 

That practice has fallen into disrepute 
in America and England. It has been 
abandoned by the best dealers on the 
Continent. But as the traveler ap- 
proaches the Orient he finds the secret 
price with all its inherent evils, chief of 
which is lying, elevated to a fine art. 
Every purchase is a matter of bargaining, 
the customer never expects to pay, the 
dealer never expects to receive, what is 
asked. Even in Paris there are com- 
paratively few places where one is abso- 
lutely sure the price asked is the one and 
only price; offers bring responses and 
there is a pretty general conviction that 
tourists pay more than natives. 

Generally speaking the secret price 
policy is a thing of the past in the retail 
trade in this country. In the largest and 
best places of business goods are marked 
in plain figures and both customers and 
competitors are free to note and use these 
figures. Here and there a perfectly re- 
liable merchant clings to the old habit 
of marking the price in cipher — why? 
Heaven alone knows, since his cipher is 
known to every employee, to every com- 
petitor who cares to give the matter ten 
minutes' investigation, and to every bright 
customer who prices a dozen articles and 
compares the letters that stand for the 
figures. The cipher is a relic of the old 
furtive policy and is bound to go; cus- 
tomers resent it because they are becom- 
ing accustomed to plain marks and distrust 
the man who looks at a few cryptic letters 
and says the price is so and so — if it 
really is so and so, why not mark it for 
everybody to read? Why make a con- 
fidante of every cash-girl and alienate 
every customer? 

In the manufacturing and contracting 
world the old, discredited policy prevails. 


Manufacturers and contractors, large and turers who make a practice of adhering 

small, still do business on a par with the quite closely to their prices will say, "Why, 

wily Oriental. From the president down that is what we are doing now!" A 

to the least important salesman, every- dozen searching questions will convince 

body is clothed with "discretion," every- them that they are not, and a half dozen 

body can "make" or "shade" a price; crucial propositions to reform their methods 

if a list is published no one expects to get along the above lines will lead a goodly 

the prices therein named, there are always number of them to settle back and say, 

discounts, and discounts upon discounts, "No, no, that's too advanced for us." 

with a further concession for cash, or an The writer's experience has been that 

added inducement in terms, and so on the men who are loudest to insist that 

endlessly, depending upon the resource- they follow the open price policy are the 

fulness of the salesman, the flexibility last to adopt it. What they want is a 

of the employer, and their desire to "land "fixed" price policy, 

the order." The secret price is the mark of the old 

The buyer is never certain when the — false competition, 

last word is said; even after the contract The fixed price is the mark of the illegal 

is closed he has the feeling that he might combination — suppressed competition, 

have done better if he had held off a little The open price is the mark of the new — 

longer — it is all a gamble, demoralizing true competition, 

to everyone concerned. Since no two industries follow precisely 

No men should have more respect for the same methods in marketing their 

their calling or stand higher in the com- outputs it is impossible to set forth in 

mcrcial world than the able representa- detail in a single article the steps that 

tives of great manufacturing and con- should be followed by all to establish the 

tracting companies, but — judging from new policy. Though the fundamental 

what they themselves say of one another — propositions are the same, each industry 

few men command so little respect and requires its own reporting scheme. For 

confidence in even their own circles as instance, take the two great divisions in 

"successful" salesmen. This is the fault the manufacturing world: (a) those who 

of the system. produce goods that are sold to jobbers and 

It is the aim of the new competition dealers, (b) those who produce only to 

to change the conditions which produce specifications, each contract differing more 

these results, and the first, the funda- or less from all others and calling for a 

mental, the vital step is the adoption of special price or bid. 

the open price policy. Obviously, the steps necessary to estab- 

What is meant by an "open" price? lish the open price policy among the 

Exactly what the word signifies, a former (a) will differ from the steps 

price that is open and above board, that required with the latter (b). Further- 

is known to both competitors and cus- more, it may be said that with any set 

tomers, that is marked in plain figures on of manufacturers or contractors the open 

every article produced, that is accurately price movement must be a matter of 

printed in every price list issued — a growth. However willing, no bodv of men 

price about which there is no secrecy, no will come to it at a single jump, it is too 

evasions, no preferences. In contract revolutionary. It takes time to eradicate 

work it means that every bid made and traces of habits which have become second 

every modification thereof shall be known nature, habits of thought, of speech, of 

to every competitor for the order; it conduct. Even when men are honestly 

means that even the cunning and unscru- trying to think along the new lines they 

pulous competitor may have this informa- will talk and correspond along the old, 

tion to use or abuse as he pleases. In the old phrases will crop out, and their 

short, the open price policy means a com- letters will bristle with language that 

plete reversal of methods now in vogue. heretofore has been used only in "fixing" 

Many strongly established manufac- prices and suppressing competition. 



On first impression it would seem com- 
paratively easy to outline an open price 
scheme for industries belonging to class 
"a," but difficult to do so for those in 
class "b". Such is not the case, it is 
simply a matter of detail in both cases. 
As a matter of fact the same scheme — 
except in general outline — will not fit any 
two industries, however alike they may be 
in their methods of marketing outputs. 

Take a set of large manufacturers whose 
work is altogether contract work, where 
each unit of output is made for special 
service in a special place and is therefore 
built to order. It may be a steel bridge, 
an engine, a turbine, a printing press — 
anything, in short, that is sold on con- 

A prerequisite is the formation of an 
association. Without cooperation an open 
price is impossible. 

In forming an association it is important 
to avoid the slightest cause for distrust 
on the part of the public and customers. 
The fundamental propositions underlying 
the organization and every agreement 
relating in any way to price or competition 
must be reduced to writing, and the sooner 
customers and everybody in any way 
interested are made familiar with the 
workings of the association the better. 

Hold all meetings with open — literally, 
not figuratively — doors, invite competi- 
tors to attend as visitors whether they 
wish to join or not, and urge any curious 
or doubting customer to come and observe 
what is done. 

Do nothing you are afraid to record; 
record everything you do and keep your 
records where any public official, in the 
performance of his duties, may have easy 
access to them. In short, preserve so 
carefully all evidence regarding intentions, 
acts, and results, that there will be no 
room for inference or argument that any- 
thing else was intended, done, or achieved. 

The writer constantly hears men say, 
"We have a little association, but we never 
talk about prices." 

'Then why do you meet?" 

"Oh, just to lunch and discuss things 

Such child-like pretenses deceive no one, 
not even those who utter them, and no 

self-respecting lawyer would permit clients 
to make such futile statements in court. 

It is almost as common to hear men say, 
"We have an association, but we don't 
agree upon prices." 

"What do you do?" 

"Why, I get up and say, 'My price is 
so and so;' and the others get up and say 
their prices are 'so and so.' 

"And the result is, everybody's price 
is 'so and so."' 

"Naturally, but we don't agree it shall 
be, we just exchange views and let prices 
take care of themselves." 

This set of men is much franker than the 
former. They do admit that they come 
together to help conditions, that they 
freely discuss prices; and, so long as there 
is no agreement fixing prices or otherwise 
suppressing competition, their action is 
probably legal even though, as the result 
of their interchange of views, prices are 
more or less constant. But the danger 
lies in the argument that the several 
statements, "My price is so and so," 
amount to indirect promises or moral 
assurances that the price named will not 
be changed, and that this indirect or moral 
obligation may be inferred from results. 

To go a step further, it probably would 
not be illegal for men to meet in good 
faith and compare costs and prices for 
the purpose of preventing, if possible, 
disastrous competition and of getting 
reasonable returns for their products; 
but to what extent such frank and straight- 
forward efforts to do only what is reason- 
able and fair from a sound business point 
of view will be held legal, depends upon 
the application that the courts may make 
of the general principles laid down in the 
Standard Oil and Tobacco cases. How- 
ever, no man whose aim in life is to bear 
himself creditably among his fellows cares 
to split hairs with the law, or to take any 
chances on .a court's decision as to whether 
his acts are "reasonable" or "unreason- 

The one safe course is to have nothing 
to do with any conference or association 
the objects of which are not clearly ex- 
pressed in black and white and the pro- 
ceedings of which are not fully preserved. 

If the prime object is to help trade con- 



ditions, then that object should be set forth 
frankly, and the means adopted should 
be described so fully that judge and jury 
can see that they are fair and legal beyond 
question and quite sufficient to attain the 
end without resorting to any unexpressed 
agreement, any moral obligation, or "gen- 
tlemen's understanding." 

It is believed that the open price policy 
supplies the means, that it is sound, 
sensible, and perfectly legal; it involves 
no action, no agreement of any kind or 
character that is not well within a man's 
constitutional rights. The right to publish 
prices, to exchange bids freely and openly, 
to deal frankly with customers and com- 
petitors, are rights that cannot be cur- 
tailed by any legislative body in this 
country. Congress and legislatures may 
so provide that the exercise of these rights 
shall not be abused; that sound and 
healthful cooperation shall not take on the 
features of arbitrary and oppressive com- 
bination, but cooperation itself cannot be 

With a central office in charge of a 
secretary, the members of such an asso- 
ciation are ready to establish the open 
price by filing with the secretary: 

i. All inquiries. 

2. All bids. 

3. All contracts. 

1 . The information contained in reports 
of inquiries is not interchanged. Mem- 
bers are not furnished any information 
regarding prospective bidders, though 
there is no legal objection to giving such 
information, providing it does not lead to 
collusive bidding; however, the safe 
course is not to give it. From the reports 
of inquiries the secretary makes up a 
weekly bulletin containing statistical in- 
formation that clearly indicates the amount 
of business hanging over the market. 
This report in itself is of value, especially 
to the small manufacturer who has no 
means of keeping track of what is go 
on, and it is of advantage to the large 
producer since it helps the small to bid 
more intelligently, and intelligent com- 
petition is never so demoralizing as ignor- 
ant competition. 

2. Information contained in bids is 

interchanged. No member is allowed to 
say what he expects to bid or even that he 
does or does not intend to bid; but as 
each member makes a bid he sends by 
same mail a copy of his proposal to the 
secretary. As bids are received they are 
immediately interchanged among the bid- 
ders; the riling of a bid on a particular 
job is the key that opens to the bidder 
all other bids on the same job. 

Now comes another fundamental propo- 
sition. No bidder is bound to adhere to 
his bid for the fraction of a second. After 
ascertaining the bids of others each is 
free to lower his own bid to secure the work, 
but in all fairness he must immediately 
file all changes so as to give other bidders 
chances to come in and compete further. 

"That is a rotten scheme!" exclaims the 
man who has come to the meeting with 
the sole purpose of "boosting" prices. 

'Talk about competition! That will 
fling the doors wide open," protests an- 
other, and so on. 

The writer has heard many such re- 
marks, and it may be said here that most 
old-time manufacturers are slow to try 
the new policy; it appeals more strongly 
to younger men who are not saturated 
with price-fixing notions. 

As a matter of fact the free and frank 
interchange of bids with perfect liberty 
to cut and slash as members please does 
not result in fiercer competition. On 
the contrary, while it does not lessen true 
competition, it takes out the bitterness, 
the ugly elements that go to make up 
the old "cut-throat" competition. Since 
members are free to bid as they please, it 
removes the one prolific source of com- 
plaint and recrimination incidental to 
old-time associations, namely: that "some 
one is cutting under" and thereby violat- 
ing an agreement, expressed or implied, 
to observe some price. 

It is impossible to keep men to a fixed 
price, therefore why waste time trying to? 
It is possible to keep them to an agreement 
to tell others what they have done. 

Note the distinction: the fixed price 
means an agreement of some kind to 
maintain a price, to do something, to live 
up to something. That sort of an agree- 
ment is never kept for long. No penalty 


scheme can be devised that will compel eager to get orders regardless, but as these 

men to keep it. Quite aside from all evasions come to the surface, at meeting 

questions of legality the agreement is after meeting, they become less and less 

worthless because it is no stronger than numerous, the crookedest member falls 

each man's belief in the good faith of all in line with the straightest, the open price 

the parties to it; and, since every man becomes an accomplished fact, 

feels sure that at least some of his com- Now what are some of the results? 

petitors will be quick to violate it and reap First, "vicious" bidding disappears, 

a profit, he secretly violates it himself. By "vicious" bidding is meant bids put in 

The agreement to tell one another by competitors who know that they stand 

what has been done is quite another mat- no chance of getting the work, simply to 

ter, since after all it simply provides for "make the other fellow do it for nothing." 

the systematic exchange of information Of all competition that is the meanest, 

that is sure to come out sooner or later. No purchaser has the right to encourage 

This obligation is so fair and works out it, no producer the right to indulge in it; 

so many good results that the trickiest it means the sure elimination of the weak, 

competitor in the end sees that it is to his the ultimate monopoly by the strong, 

advantage frankly to live up to it. It Second, with open bidding there is the 

takes, however, months of patient effort natural, the automatic tendency for prices 

to educate all to the point of frank and to approach normal levels, the wide 

prompt compliance. variations so frequent under false compe- 

3. The filing of contracts as and when tition — secret bidding — are minimized, 

closed is the final step in the reporting There is less bidding below cost at one 

plan; it marks the termination of the extreme and fewer or no arbitrarily high 

competition. The secretary's office will prices at the other. The customer is 

thus have a complete file of each trans- surer of fairer treatment in the long run, 

action — the (a) original inquiries, (b) the producer of fairer prices. The open 

all bids and changes in bids, (c) the con- price policy is both a safety valve and a 

tract as finally awarded. governor, it works toward stability. 

With this data the association is ready Third, by eliminating secret prices it 

for an intelligent discussion of the business eliminates secret rebates, concessions, 

of the month, and the plan is not complete graft; by bringing all dealings into the 

without this discussion. The open price open it ends four fifths of the fraud and 

policy means not only open prices but open misrepresentations that now attend the 

discussions. letting of the simplest contract; the pur- 

To this end regular weekly, semi- chaser will no longer be able to secure a 

monthly, or — at the longest — monthly fraudulent advantage by saying that he 

meetings are necessary, at which members has a lower bid when he has not. In all 

must be represented by principal officers their dealings both purchaser and producer 

who are familiar with business details will be more nearly on a footing of equality, 

and can speak with knowledge. Meetings Fourth, the business will be placed upon 

attended by subordinate agents are a a more scientific and rational footing, 

waste of time. Instead of competitors working under 

At first there will be a strong tendency conditions of jealous distrust and suspicion, 

on the part of members to reproach one wasting time and money in doing things 

another for "cutting prices," "reducing that they either should not do at all, 

bids," etc. — the old story. This tendency or should do with a fraction of the expendi- 

to complain must be firmly repressed, ture, they will cooperate to accomplish as 

In time all will come to understand that a unit the things they rightfully may do. 

they are free to cut, free to change. Then Finally, the open price policy — the 

the discussions will turn upon whether New Competition — with the friendly 

notifications have been filed promptly in association it involves, will tend to make 

good faith. For a long time there will be commercial life a little pleasanter, a little 

numerous evasions by members who are better worth living. 







A BOY brought in a message to 
the bank president that Mr. 
Blank wanted to see him 
about a loan. The president 
went over to the door, and 
beckoned to a tall and rather rough-looking 
man who stood outside the rail. They 
talked at the open door. 

"How much and what for?" asked the 
president. The caller said that he was 
doing some contract work for the new 
railroad coming into town, and wanted 
credit to meet his payrolls and supplies, 
pending the railroad's payments. They 
talked a few minutes about the work, 
about rates, about dates of payment and 
some other matters of that sort, and the 
president finally said he would "fix him 
up." He referred him to another officer 
of the bank. The visitor went back and 
the president came in to talk about mat- 
ters of banking. 

This was in Seattle. 1 noted that there 
was no talk about security, as we under- 
stand the term in the East. The president 
explained that he knew the man fairly 
well as a live and energetic small con- 
tractor, who always did good work, paid 
his debts in time, and was a good customer 
for the bank. 

i "He has no assets, probably," he said, 
"except the tools of his trade and possibly 
a house in the city. All the securit) we 
need is his name and his promise backed 
by his work. If we demanded the same 
sort of security on our loans that you 
demand in New York this bank might as 
well quit right away. Our job is to finance 

the legitimate needs of our customers, 
and we have to take our security as we find 
it or somebody else will." 

There is the function of a bank put into 
a phrase. The business of a commercial 
bank is to make commerce move, using 
the word "commerce" to mean every form 
of legitimate money-making and wealth- 
producing function in the country. The 
method must be such as to impose the 
least unnecessary check upon the move- 
ment of commerce. The traditions of 
New York must not be imposed upon 
Seattle industrx . The habits of Seattle 
must not be taken as the criterion for 
sound banking in New York. 

In all the West, I found the rules entirely 
different from the Eastern rules. A 
national bank is a national bank, East or 
West, one may suppose; but the method 
of Seattle or Los Angeles may not be the 
method of New York or Philadelphia. 
Therefore it is not at all surprising to 
find that on a day in June last, six little 
banks in Seattle had lent on individual or 
firm notes without any other security than 
the names S8,597,ooo; while the whole 
national bank group in New York had 
lent on similar paper only a little more 
than On that same day, in 
San Francisco, the loans of this sort 
amounted to more than S47, 000,000. 

The first impulse of an Eastern man, 
looking into the bank loans of the West, 
is to call it "kite-flying" — as one famous 
European student did — and thereby do 
the Western banks a grave injustice. It 
is really an adaptation of the first prin- 


ciple of banking, namely: that the assets and might even help to clarify the banking 
of the people who use the bank must be questions of the day, but it would be a 
good security for loans or the bank must task too long and wearying to be handled 
cease to live. Just as the little coopera- in such a series as this. 
tive bank in Germany will lend a farmer Let it suffice to summarize and say that 
five dollars to buy a sow, and time the by long practice, by the use of common 
loan so that it may be paid off from the sense, and by the help of an understanding 
sale of the first litter, so the Western bank government, the commercial banks of the 
in our national system will finance any country as a whole have worked out 
legitimate and sound money-making ven- methods of their own whereby they handle 
ture of its customers. It is a system of in normal times a gigantic commerce and 
credit based upon industry, and upon do it, on the whole, not badly, 
much closer and more accurate knowl- This is one side of a picture. All men 
edge of the man himself than can ever be approve it. Here and there a critic, look- 
possible in the bigger Eastern cities. ing upon the banks at work in all the South 

The real point of this illustration is and North and West, concludes that here 

that the bank does not make the com- must sound banking end; and that any- 

mercial habits of the city or the customer, thing beyond is not of the commercial 

On the contrary, the commerce of the city banking world but of some other kind of 

and the customer shape and dictate the banking. Sometimes he calls it "finan- 

habits of the bank. Thus, in a flour- cial banking," and draws a fearful picture 

making city, the banks will lend freely of it. It is well to look upon that picture 

against wheat in process of manufacture, too, if one would know what banks may 

and for the full term required to complete do with the money of the people, 

the whole transaction, from the purchase On the same day that in Seattle they 

of the wheat to its sale for cash in Eastern were lending nearly as much money on 

markets. In a cotton country the banks plain notes as they were lending in New 

shape their policies to help in the widest York, the banks of New York had other 

possible way the planting, cultivation, loans of $332,000,000 made to people who 

picking, and sale of cotton. In one city put up in the bank certain collateral — 

one finds the banks adapted to short stocks, bonds, etc. — and who agreed to 

loans and quick turn-over, money flowing pay off these loans on demand. For 

in and out in short and rapid waves; comparison, the Seattle banks had less 

while in another city, the centre of another than $5,000,000 out on such loans. Still 

sort of trade, loans are long and slow, and other loans made in New York on similar 

perhaps for months at a time money is collateral but not callable except at a 

hardly in use at all. stated date — time loans — brought the 

This is but a glance, of course, over the total up to more than $50o,ooo*,ooo. 
banking practice of the commercial banks Half a billion dollars lent in New York 
throughout the country. To analyze it on collateral — there is the rub! This 
in detail, to tabulate the average length is the thing that every critic of our bank- 
of loans and discounts in New Orleans, ing system siezes hold of as the handle 
a sugar and cotton market; in Kansas for reform. This half billion dollar fund 
City, a merchandizing centre; in Omaha, has been depicted always as a gambling 
a corn and wheat market; in Minneapolis, fund lent to Wall Street to carry on 
a flour city; in Portland, where they speculation, to finance great money mak- 
handle lumber; in Duluth, a city of ore; ing pools in the stock market, to pander 
in Grand Rapids, where furniture rules; to the ambitions of a Harriman or to the 
in Lynn, where shoes are made; or in schemes of market cliques led by specula- 
Los Angeles, a city of diversion and di- tors of the Gates and Keene stripe. It 
versity — to tabulate and classify the is the very heart and centre of the great 
habits and the whims of the banks of popular distrust of our banking system, 
commerce in these many cities might make One day, in my office, a man from the 
an entertaining book for a banker's holiday, Middle West spent nearly an hour telling 



me the tale of his oppression by the 
"money trust." He had come East to 
raise $2,000,000 to finance an automobile 
factory. He found automobile factories 
quoted at a discount. 

"Why," he said, "Morgan is the banker 
for the General Motors Company, and a 
Morgan broker has just lent a lot of money 
to the United States Motor Company. 
You have no chance if you ain't a trust. 
These banks throttle business. They tell 
me they won't lend on anything I've got 
because it isn't 'Stock Exchange col- 
lateral.' What in h has the Stock 

Exchange got to do with a buzz-wagon 
factory in Indiana? They lend all their 
money to Stock Exchange gamblers!" 

By way of adding fuel to the flames, 1 
turned over the pages of the last Wash- 
ington report on the national banks and 
pointed out to him that on one page this 
report showed that the New York banks 
held $322,000,000 of money belonging to 
country banks; while on another page it 
appeared that the "call" loans on col- 
lateral in New York on the same day were 
$332,000,000. He gazed at the figures for 
a minute and then said: 

" 1 wonder where they got the other 
ten millions!" 

In his temper, he expressed the popular 
superstition about collateral loans by 
commercial banks. He believed that the 
sole aim and purpose of all this lending 
on collateral was simply to carry on 
gambling operations in Wall Street and to 
pander to the trusts, all securely tucked 
under the wing of Mr. J. P. Morgan, "the 
King of all the Trusts" — according to 
my Middle Western visitor. 

Yet this man had come to New York, 
his pocket bulging, figuratively speaking, 
with $2,000,000 of bonds and $2,000,000 
of stock in a new automobile company, 
hoping and expecting to put those securi- 
ties up under a collateral loan and get 
$2,000,000 of money out of the banks! 
When it was pointed out to him that what 
he wanted to do, in reality, was to raise 
that total to $324,000,000, and he was 
asked whether that, too, would be a 
"gambling" loan, he looked a little 
dazed. Finally, he told the truth in words 
something like this: 

" When it comes to paper, 1 can get my 
bills out of the local banks in Indiana; 
but when it comes to getting the capital 
to start things, of course, I've got to head 

Here is a function thrown upon the 
broad shoulders of New York. I am going 
to illustrate it by some extracts from the 
news of the day; but it is well to say, in 
passing, that it does not account for all 
or nearly all the collateral lending in 
New York. A very large amount of 
money is used at all times in the turning 
over of stocks and bonds on the New York 
Stock Exchange. Much of it is pure 
gambling. Much of it, on the contra ry, 
is not. A good deal of it is simply a 
laborious process of making standards of 
investment value and expressing those 
standards in concrete terms. A lot of 
it is the ebb and flow of a sea of invested 
capital. There is no possible method' of 
analyzing it in more than a very per- 
functory way. 

Quite apart from it, and different in 
character as day is from night, is this 
big task of "getting money to start 
things," as my Indiana friend put it. 
Take up the news and see the thing going 
on. This is no sermon; it's only a bit 
of a reporter's job. 

One day in the early winter, the respon- 
sible officers of the Pacific Gas and Elec- 
tric Corporation, a California giant en- 
gaged in making water work in various 
ways, came to their bankers in the East 
and demanded $18,000,000. The bankers 
had seen the thing grow. They found it 
first some years ago, a big, awkward, 
watery, weak-legged calf of a corporation, 
and nursed it through its gigantic infancy 
as best the) - could. They fed it on money 
drawn from almost even' land where 
money grows, drawn in driblets, as it 
were, and siphoned through the bond 
market in New York across the continent 
to San Francisco. So they brought it to 

Then it demanded J 1 8,000,000. Its 
own bankers looked it over, said that it 
was good, and sent it over to Morgan's. 
The partners of that house listened to the 
Stor) . asked questions, examined its treas- 
ury, its income, its outgo, its license to 



live, and all the other things that go with 
such a concern, and finally handed it the 
money — at a banker's discount, of course; 
for Morgan charity begins at Morgan's. 

So it got the eighteen millions, more or 
less. Its officers handed over to the Mor- 
gan firm $20,000,000, par, of Pacific Gas 
and Electric Corporation bonds. The 
Morgan firm is not making a collection of 
bonds. It has no use for bonds until 
it has gotten rid of them. Therefore 
it called upon two other houses that deal 
in bonds with the general public to come 
and take these away. They took them 
away and gradually sold them to the 
public. That job is still going on. 

All these long months, theoretically, 
the Pacific Gas and Electric Corporation 
is spending that money. It came out of 
the banks. First of all, possibly, it was 
borrowed, on collateral, by J. P. Morgan 
and Company. Then the load was trans- 
ferred, and it was borrowed, from other 
or the same banks, on collateral loans, by 
the other two banking houses. Then they 
sold it, to dealers and brokers, hundreds 
of them, and to the public. The dealers 
took their little lots of bonds around to 
their banks and put them up as collateral 
for loans. 

Thus the load was scattered, so that 
nobody had too much. First it was one 
big loan; then two big loans; then a 
hundred little loans; and after a while 
it will gradually dwindle away, as in- 
vestors buy the bonds for cash, until all 
this money that the Pacific Gas and Elec- 
tric Corporation is spending these next 
few years has finally been borrowed from 
the final lender on collateral, the little man 
with his few paper bonds, maybe in China 
or in England, or anywhere else where 
men reside and buy. 

Just about the same time that this 
thing happened, and appeared in the item 
of "loans on collateral" in the New York 
banks, a threshing machine company, 
called the J. I. Case Threshing Machine 
Company, also wanted $8,000,000. It 
had borrowed in the West until the job 
got too big for the West. Then it, too, 
marched down to the corner of Broad and 
Wall Streets and asked for its money and 
got it. It had stock instead of bonds; 

but it does not matter much so long as its 
initial garb is a "J. P. M. temporary 
certificate." It is all good collateral in 
the banks, if the right people hand it in. 
So, for a time, it, too, abode in Wall 
Street collateral loans, waiting for the 
patient process of distribution to the 
ultimate consumer, the man who lives on 

This is not a chronicle of the year's 
finance, and I am writing without notes; 
but it is well to take notice of a few of 
the contributors to "loans on collateral" 
this last winter in these financial banks 
that are such vampires on the commerce 
of the nation. They came trouping from 
all the sections of the country. From 
Mexico came a great petroleum concern 
to borrow millions to carry on its work 
under the shadow of a revolution; and 
from Canada I remember best a cousin 
of the Sherwin Williams Paint Company 
of Cincinnati. The City of Tokio, Japan, 
came for $10,000,000; and Seattle herself 
was heard from for a few more millions. 

The mightiest visitors of all are the 
great railroads. Here the Rock Island 
gathered in its $20,000,000 to build 
a terminal in Omaha, to buy a line 
or two into outlying regions, to get 
ready the over-taxed equipment for a 
rush that may or may not come; 
there the ancient Northwestern, through 
a subsidiary, tapped the unfailing springs 
of capital. The Santa Fe raised money 
— again from the Morgan firm — on 
branches and main line in the far South- 
west. The Pennsylvania, an honored 
visitor, asked and received in a hurry. 
The little Monon Route begged for a new 
coal supply and it was supplied by the 
Equitable Trust and its friends. The 
Southern Pacific, the Chesapeake and 
Ohio, the Vanderbilt lines — all these and 
dozens of lesser corporations came and 
lined up at the banking windows to add 
to the swelling list of "loans on collat- 
eral." Only the New Haven did not 
come, because she borrowed instead almost 
direct from the vaults of the savings banks 
of Massachusetts. 

"When it comes to getting the capital 
to start things, of course, I've got to head 
East!" So said the man from Indiana; 



and so, too, have said, within the last six banks and trust companies, the rigging 

months, three of the greatest industrial of stock-market traps by banking pools, 

corporations in that same state and almost the stringing of flimsy chains of banks 

every railroad that crosses its plains. about the town, one hanging by the other, 

That is the function of the so-called the secret pools and treaties, the handing 

"financial" commercial banking in New to and fro of other men's business secrets 

York. It is the oldest and truest activity for private gain, the peremptory demands 

of Wall Street, of Capel Court in London, made by the underwriters upon the funds 

of the Bourse in Berlin, and of every of banks and savings institutions, the 

financial market in the world. stealthy use of other men's money for 

That it has been abused no one denies, speculative profits — all these and many 

We paid for some of the evils of the other greater or lesser sins do not obscure 

system in 1907; and we shall pay for the fact, and should not obscure the fact, 

others in other days no less dark and 
dangerous. But the pivoting of bank- 
ing power on one man and one house, 
the piling up of hall-marked bonds and 
stocks on the counters of banded 

that the task of "getting the capital to 
start things" is, first of all, the business 
of the New York banks. That it is not 
the sole business of these banks is 
another story perhaps worth telling. 





CONGRESS last year set aside 
£2,000,000 to provide a fitting 
memorial to Abraham Lin- 
coln. It also appropriated 
£250,000 for a monument to 
commemorate the victory of Commodore 
Perry in the Battle of Lake Erie and the 
termination of one hundred years of peace 
between this country and Great Britain. 
And Ohio, Pennsylvania, Michigan, Illi- 
nois, Wisconsin, New York, Rhode Island, 
Kentucky, and Minnesota have swelled 
this Perry Memorial fund to $700,000. 
Both of these memorials are of such digni- 
fied character and of such impressive 
size as to arouse the interest and satis- 
faction of everyone who treasures in his 
heart a pride in the nation's past and in 
her great historical figures. 

A little more than a year ago Congress 
created the Lincoln Memorial Commis- 
sion with President Taft as chairman. 
The members of the commission are 

Senators Shelby M. Cullom and George 
Peabody Wetmore, former Senator Her- 
nando de S. Money, Speaker Champ Clark, 
former Speaker Joseph G. Cannon, and 
Representative Samuel W. McCall. The 
Commission's first corporate act was to 
call upon the Fine Arts Commission for its 
advice regarding a suitable site for the 
nation's tribute to Lincoln's memory and 
regarding the employment of an architect. 
The Fine Arts Commission consists at the 
present time of Messrs. D. H. Burnham, 
Thomas Hastings, Cass Gilbert, Daniel 
C. French, Charles Moore, Francis D. 
Millet, Frederick Law Olmsted, Jr., and 
Col. Spencer Cosby, U. S. A., Secretary. 
It is a standing commission, appointed 
by an act of Congress that provided for 
the appointment of "seven well qualified 
judges of the Fine Arts, whose duty it 
should be to advise upon the location of 
statues, fountains, and monuments in the 
public squares, streets and parks in the 



District of Columbia, and upon the selec- 
tion of models for statues, fountains, and 
monuments erected under the authority of 
the United States, and upon the selection 
of artists for the execution of the same." 

Acting upon the request made by the 
Lincoln Memorial Commission, the Fine 
Arts Commission called attention to the 
fact that, a decade ago, the Park Commis- 
sion presented to Congress a plan for a 
better Washington, modeled on the famous 
plan evolved by Major L' Enfant; and 
that the Park Commission, in this plan, 
had suggested a site at the end of the 
proposed Mall as a most appropriate 
location for a monument to Lincoln. 
The Fine Arts Commission reported that 
it felt that no other site could compare 
in fitness with this one. 

The Mall is to be the wide plaisance 
starting from the Capitol at the eastern 
end and centring upon the Washington 
Monument. Prolonged beyond this, it 
ends upon the bank of the Potomac River, 
having a total length of a little more than 
two miles. Across the river at this point 
are the heights of Arlington. 

There is a symbolic significance in the 
site in Potomac Park that every one will 
note. At one end of the city's chief 
monumental axis stands the Capitol, the 
home of the legislative and judicial bodies 
of the Government; at the other end 
there is the possibility of a fitting memor- 
ial to Lincoln, the man who saved that 
Government; and between the two is the 
monument to Washington, its founder. 
Each of these three focal points is suffi- 
ciently far from the others to stand serenely 
above the necessity for intimately related 
design, yet the three, stretching in one 
grand sweep from Capitol Hill to the 
Potomac River, will be visually related 
and each will have its value increased by 
the associations and memories binding 
the group together. 

Such is the site advised by the Fine 
Arts Commission. To carry out the 
design for the Memorial itself and its 
setting, the Commission suggested Mr. 
Henry Bacon, an architect of New York. 
In accordance with the Memorial Com- 
mission's invitation, Mr. Bacon examined 
the proposed site and, after four months' 

study, submitted a design. Here is a 
part of his report to the Lincoln 
Memorial Commission. 

I propose that the memorial to Lincoln take 
the form of a monument symbolizing the 
union of the United States of America, enclos- 
ing, in the walls of its sanctuary, three memor- 
ials to the man himself; one a statue of heroic 
size expressing his humane personality, the 
others memorials of his two great speeches, 
one of the Gettysburg speech, the other of the 
Second Inaugural Address, each with attendant 

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sculpture and painting telling in allegory of 
his splendid qualities evident in those speeches. 

The statue will occupy the place of honor, a 
position facing the entrance which opens to- 
ward the Capitol. This position is in a central 
hall, separated by screens of columns from the 
spaces at each side, in each of which will be 
one of the other memorials. Each of these 
three memorials will thus be secluded and 
isolated and will exert its greatest influence. 

By means of terraces the ground at the site 
of the Lincoln Memorial will be raised until 
the same level is obtained as the ground at 
the base of the Washington Monument. First 
a terrace, 1,000 feet in diameter, is raised 11 
feet above the present grade. On its outer 
edge will be planted four concentric rows of 
trees, leaving a plateau in the centre 750 feet 
in diameter, which is 4 feet greater than the 
length of the Capitol. In the centre of this 
plateau, surrounded by a wide roadway and 
walks, will rise a terrace 16 feet high and 500 
feet in diameter, making the total elevation 
of grade 27 feet above the present grade. 

On a granite rectangular base is placed a 
series of plinths or steps, thirteen in number, 
typifying the thirteen original states. The 
top step supports on its outer edge a Greek 
Doric colonnade of thirty-six columns, sym- 
bolizing the Union of 1865, each column 
representing a state existing at the time of 
Lincoln's death. This colonnade 'of the Union 
surrounds the wall of the Memorial Hall which 
rises through and above it, and at the top of 
the wall is a decoration, supported at intervals 
by eagles, of forty-eight memorial festoons, 
one for each state in the Union to-day. The 
above three features of the exterior design 
represent the Union as originally formed, as 
it was at the triumph of Lincoln's life, and as 
it is when we plan to erect a monument to his 

The memorial Hall itself is 60 x 135 feet; 
the colonnade around it is io8x 171 feet; 
and the granite base is 168x231 feet. 
The Doric columns are 40 feet high and 
6 feet 9 inches in diameter at their base. 
Above the finished grade at the granite 
base the structure attains a total height 
of 88 feet. Inside the hall the columns 
forming the two screens are 50 feet high 
and are of the Ionic order. 

The plan provides that the exterior, 
above the granite base, shall be built of 
white marble. Inside the hall the walls and 
floor will be of colored marble to form a 
suitable setting for the statue, which will be 

of white marble. The ceiling, 60 feet high, 
will be supported by heavy bronze beams. 

Mr. Bacon intends to introduce a large 
lagoon to the east of the memorial, thus 
contributing to the setting a further ele- 
ment -of beauty in the tranquility and 
repose that a reflection of the memorial 
will add. And to the west of the memorial 
he proposes that a memorial bridge shall 
join the end of the Mall with Arlington. 

The National Government and the 
governments of nine states intend to 
commemorate in 191 3 the victory of 
Commodore Oliver Hazard Perry and the 
officers and men under his command at 
the Battle of Lake Erie, as well as the 
hundred years of peace that have since 
then been enjoyed between Great Britain 
and the United States. An important 
feature of this celebration will be the 
erection of the Perry Memorial at Put-in- 
Bay. Commissioners representing the 
National Government and the states have 
organized under the title, The Inter- 
state Board of the Perry's Victory Cen- 
tennial Commissioners. 

Through its building committee, con- 
sisting of Mr. George H. Worthington, 
Chairman, Col. Henry Watterson, and 
Lieutenant-General Nelson A. Miles, the 
Inter-state Board organized a competition 
among architects to decide upon a suitable 
design for the memorial. Mr. Frank 
Miles Day, past president of the American 
Institute of Architects, was appointed a 
professional advisor to assist the com- 
mittee in the preparation of a programme 
and in the conduct of the competition. 

The competition for the selection of an 
architect was admirably arranged. Eighty- 
one leading architects, from all parts of 
the country, were permitted to compete. 
Their designs were submitted anony- 
mously, and were judged by the 
Commission of Fine Arts. The commission 
to design and supervise the erection of 
the memorial was awarded to Messrs. 
J. II. Freedlander and A. D. Seymour, Jr., 
associate architects, of New York. 

I nclosed between South Bass Island, 
Gibraltar Island, and the isthmus that 
connects them, lies Put-in-Bay, at the 
western end of Lake Erie. It was here 
that Commodore Pern's squadron lay 





Copyright. 1912, by the Interstate Board of the Perry Victory Centennial Commission 






before the battle, and to this sheet of water 
the squadron returned with the captured 
British ships. The high bluffs of Gibral- 
tar Island were occupied by the look-outs 
that kept watch for the opposing fleet. 
The battle itself took place about eight 
miles to the northwestward. After the 
victory, troops under command of Gen- 
eral William Henry Harrison were brought 
in Perry's ships to South Bass Island. 
There they were drilled and from there 
they set out for the Battle of the Thames 
and the capture of Detroit. 

The accepted design consists of a plaza 
1,000 feet long by 200 feet wide, in the 
centre of which is placed a simple shaft 
in the form of a Doric column, towering 
to a height of 320 feet and bearing on its 
top a light of the first order to illumine 
the adjacent waters. Flanking the shaft, 
at one end of the plaza, is a Museum of 
Historic Relics, and at the other a statue 
surrounded by a colonnade in commemora- 
tion of the hundred years of peace. 

The plan provides that both the museum 
and colonnade shall occupy terraces that 
are raised slightly above the main plaza. 
In the Museum there are to be mural 

paintings descriptive of the more import- 
ant events in connection with the Battle 
of Lake Erie. Another proposal is to 
re-inter, in a crypt underneath the shaft, 
the bodies of officers and sailors, both 
British and American, that are now buried 
on the island. 

A feature of the design that doubtless 
had much to do with its choice from among 
the many submitted was the complet 
isolation of the shaft, so that the two minor 
buildings in no way interfere with the 
view of its full height from the water on 
both sides of the isthmus. 

An interesting fact in connection with 
these waters is a provision of the treaty 
made after the war. Each of the two 
contracting powers was permitted to 
maintain in the vicinity only one gunboat, 
armed with one twelve-pounder, to pre- 
serve its respective rights. I believe the 
two ships are still on duty. The Com- 
mission will try to arrange for a suspension 
of the treaty during the Centennial 
celebration so that there may be a naval 
pageant and perhaps a sharn battle be- 
tween American and British warships 
as a feature of the dedicatory ceremonies. 

graphed by Motfctt Studio, Chicago 








BISHOP John Heyl Vincent Close to 750,000 names now are on the 

couldn't go to college, and as rolls of the Chautauqua courses. They 

a consequence nearly three embrace all the races of mankind and 

quarters of a million people most of the nationalities. Fifty thousand 

all over the world have had visitors come to the original home of the 

an opportunity for self education through movement, Chautauqua, N. Y. every sum- 

Chautauqua reading courses and lectures, mer; and there are few towns in this 

On February 23, 191 2, representatives of country in which Chautauqua assemblies 

this army showed that they remembered are not an influence at assembly time, 

the "father of the Chautauqua idea." It Bishop Vincent has worked longer than 

was the Bishop's eightieth birthday, and most men live. He was born in Tusca- 

from the far and near corners of the world, loosa, Ala., in 1832. He grew up in Penn- 

from Keokuk to Calcutta, there came a sylvania. He became a minister in the 

flood of letters to Bishop Vincent's home Jersey District of the Methodist Church 

in Chicago, homage from people of all in 1850, when he was only 18. His talents 

races. made the Sunday School his natural field 

Sixty-two years ago, in 1850, Circuit of work, and Sunday Schools as they exist 

Rider Vincent, carrying his message from to-day are largely due to his efforts. He 

cabin to cabin in the Pennsylvania hill was the pioneer in this work. He estab- 

country, was forced to face the fact that lished the Sunday School '"Quarterly," and 

a university course was not for him. he was one of the originators and promulga- 

In 1874 tne circuit rider, now in charge tors of the system of International Sunday 

of the Sunday School work of the Metho- School Lessons, that have carried their mes- 

dist church, caused the first Chautauqua sage to the young of all peoples. He worked 

Assembly to be held at Chautauqua Lake, for sixteen years to complete his scheme 

N. Y. Primarily, his idea was to stimu- >f Sunday School labor. These years won 

late and broaden the work of Sunday im international fame before he was 35. 

School teachers of the Methodist Church. He became Bishop Vincent of the 

But in the eagerness with which it was re- Methodist Episcopal Church in 1888, and 

ceived Bishop Vincent saw the opportunity served as bishop in Buffalo and Topeka. 

for its broader mission of popular education. In 1900 he was placed in charge of the 

He understood young folks, because he European missionary work of the church, 

always has been young at heart himself, with headquarters at Zurich, Switzerland. 

He knew the yearning of the young for He remained there for four years. His 

knowledge, and their bitter disappoint- work in the mission field has taken him 

ment when circumstances kept them from on seven journeys through Europe, two 

acquiring it. He had educated himself, African tours, and once across the Andes, 

by the light of a cabin fire-place, as Lin- In 1904 he was retired, but he has contin- 

coln had; now he began to educate others, ued serving as preacher to Harvard, Yale, 

The growth of the Chautauqua Liter- Wellesley, Cornell, and other colleges, 

ary and Scientific Circle has been one of He is equally at home in the cabin of the 

the remarkable educational movements of settler and in the halls of a great university. 

this country. From the beginning in At eighty, after sixty-two years of work, 

1874 at Chautauqua the movement has Bishop Vincent lives, and enjoys living, 

spread to most countries of the world, in his home near the University of Chicago. 







IT WAS my privilege recently to spend 
two days with Miss Jessie Field, 
County Superintendent of Education 
in Page County, Iowa, in an endeax in- 
to discover the secret of the reputa- 
tion that her schools have attained among 
the country schools of the United States. 
I found it in Miss Field herself, and in the 
application of her motto. "We must 
teach a country child in terms of count rv 

Page County lies off the beaten travel 
r< niles, on the Missouri line in south- 
western Iowa, and Clarinda, the county 
seat, is somewhat hard to reach. As our 
train moved leisurely through the fertile, 
rolling valley I saw everywhere the signs 
of rural prosperity. The homes and farm 
buildings were com fori able and attractive, 
the roads were fair, and the rural telephone 
was universal. The shocks of corn, the 
harrowed fields ready for the wheat crop, 
the hay stacks, the barrels of apples under 

the trees that were being stripped of their 
red and golden burden, and the bluegrass 
pastures with their droves of cattle, hogs, 
and sheep, told a story of intelligent, 
diversified farming. 

Miss Field herself greeted me at 
Clarinda: she was expecting my visit. 

"Your train is late.'* she said, "but I 
have a runabout here, and we will have 
time to see one school before closing time." 

Without further ceremony we stepped 
into a little car and were off to a country 
school three miles from Clarinda. 

It didn't take us long to reach the school 
— it never does in Iowa. The consoli- 
dation movement has made little headwa\ . 
in this country at least, and there is, in 
general, a one-room school even' two 
miles. As we entered the room Miss 
Field was greeted by a battery of smiles 
from the teacher and the children, who 
knew her and rejoiced at her coming. She 
knows by name most of the school chil- 







dren of the county. They also knew how 
to welcome a stranger, and in a quiet 
way each endeavored to show me a 
thoughtful attention. I was soon decor- 
ated with the Page County badge — an 
enamelled clover leaf bearing three H's 
and the words "Page County, Iowa." 
The spirit that pervaded the school 
made it easy to guess what the H's stood 
for — "head," "hand," and "heart." 

In the school room I immediately per- 
ceived a wholesome country atmosphere 
that characterized all the schools we 
visited. Many of the boys were dressed 

in "jumpers" and they wore them proudly 
as a uniform of a most honorable calling. 
In addition to the maps, globes, and other 
equipment of the ordinary school there 
were tables and seed testing boxes made 
by the boys with ordinary farm tools, 
while collections of seeds and exhibits 
of insects were displayed on the walls. 
The composition book of one grade was 
entitled, "Things we should know about 
home," and the index showed such sub- 
jects as, "Why I like to live in the coun- 
try," " How to make a loaf of bread," 
"How to make a bed," "How to use the 







Babcock milk tester." A grammar lesson 
was in progress. Even in this formal 
subject there appeared many applications 
of Miss Field's motto: "We must teach 
a country child in terms of country life." 
The boy who was called on to illustrate a 
compound sentence did not struggle vainly 
to remember some sentence which he had 
seen in the book or had read in ancient 
history, but. looking quite naturally out 
of the school window on a neighboring 
orchard, said, "It is the 9th of October, 
and the farmers are gathering apples." 

At the close of the school 1 was honored 
with a special introduction to the girl 
who took the prize for the best cookies 
at the last industrial fair, to the boy who 
had taken the prize tor the best ear of 
corn, and to the school representative in 
the industrial fair organization, with 
whom Miss Field held a brief consultation 
about the next school exhibit. 

In the meantime the children who had 
been dismissed were waiting outside the 

school room on the lawn for Miss Field 
and the game that she had promised to 
teach them at her next visit. The next 
ten minutes on the well-kept lawn 
cemented more closely the friendships of 
the school room and left each child richer 
in social possibilities. 

On the way back to Clarinda, Miss Field 
stated briefly her educational principles 
and her methods of work as county 

When she entered the office, the schools 
of Page County were little better or worse 
than the ordinary country system in Iowa. 
The teachers were, for the most part, 
without special training and there was 
little professional enthusiasm. It was 
no unusual thing to change positions at 
the end of each school term of two or three 
months. Most of the country pupils 
dropped out of school at the end of the 
period of compulsory attendance, and only 
about fifty per year completed the eighth 






grade. The teachers taught reading, writ- is a member of the Progressive Club, 
ing, arithmetic, and the other elementary Few of these teachers are college or normal 
subjects in the ordinary, conventional way. school graduates. Most have received 
Hence they believed that, if you developed their professional training as the result 
a boy's general intelligence by means of of their experience under Miss Field's 
parsing, he would instinctively know supervision, in the discussions of the 
how to select a milch cow or how to Progressive Club, in the county institute, 
organize a cooperative fruit grower's or in the summer session of the state nor- 
association; or if he learned about the mal school. Thirty-five teachers from the 
German Empire thoroughly, he would in county attended the state summer school 
some way develop later into a good corn during the past summer. The county 
grower or an enthusiastic poultry breeder; institute is held for ten days during the 
or if he learned to solve problems in cube summer. I asked Miss Field if attendance 
root, he would of course know how to at the institute were compulsory. She 
estimate the capacity of a corn crib or replied that it was purely voluntary, 
test a sample of milk for the percentage "How many of your teachers attend?" I 
of butter-fat. They assumed that if a asked. "They were all there," she an- 
pupil worked hard enough on the ideas swered, as if it were a matter of course, 
and ideals connected with the history of Miss Field is a sincere friend to all her 
Egypt, he would thereby eventually teachers, and they are loyal to her accord- 
develop a patriotic devotion to Page ingly. The salary schedule in Page 
County. County is higher than the average in Iowa. 

Miss Field adopted a very simple Miss Field's own example is a continuous 

philosophy. It was this: " If mental dis- lesson in appreciation, and the school 

cipline acquired in one field of study patrons have not been slow to learn to 

spreads over the border and enables the express their appreciation in those ways 

student to work better in another, why which mean quite as much as money to 

shouldn't we begin with the actual life the conscientious worker, 

of Page County and spread out from there? The ideals for the year are set before 

Instead of trying to teach a love for the the teachers in a list of questions on school 

whole United States in general and trust- progress that is sent out early and that is 

ing that in some mysterious way this returned at the close of the school term, 

will eventually percolate down to the The blank contains such questions as 

school district, why not aim to develop these: 

an intense love for the school and a loyalty Has your school year been lengthened? 

to Page County and let this gradually Are the teachers' wages higher than last 

expand into a larger patriotism?" year? Have the number of classes on the 

Miss Field's philosophy has worked, programme been lessened? How many 

Her first task was to inspire and train her attendance certificates have you issued? 

teaching force. As she visited the schools How many diplomas and pins? Have 

of the county she picked out from the the older pupils remained through the 

130 teachers a dozen who were willing to school year? Can your school sing 

meet regularly and led them to organize " Iowa"? Did your school take any part 

themselves into a Progressive Teachers' in the county essay contest? In -the 

Club. These began a systematic study county boys and girls' industrial exposition 

of the specific rural school problems of and corn show? Are there boys and girls 

the county and made a steady effort to in your district enrolled in the state 

relate their schools vitally to the life of junior agricultural work? Have you 

the community. Certain definite things taught the farm arithmetic work? What 

to be done by the teachers were fixed as have you done in manual training and 

prerequisites to admission to the organiza- hand work? State anything else that 

tion, and one by one the other teachers you have done to connect your school 

applied for membership and were received more closely with the farms and homes in 

until now every teacher in the county your district and to serve their interests. 



Have you a school garden? State all 
that has been done to make the school 
house and grounds more beautiful and 
useful. Are your pupils thoughtful and 
courteous? Is there improvement in 
habits of study? Has your school done 
anything for your district in the way of 
literary societies and social recreations? 

We may easily imagine the effect of 
such definite and concrete ideals set before 
the teachers. 

Early next morning I found Miss Field 
in her office with her secretary, opening 
the day's mail. Many of the letters 
were from members of her student co- 
operative committee, which has a repre- 
sentative in every school. They were in 
response to inquiries from Miss Field 
concerning the pupils of the district who 
had not yet started to school. She finds 
the student committee one of her strong- 
est helpers in the county organization. On 
display in the office were the state tro- 
phies that had been won by the schools of 
the county. 

We were soon in the car again and on our 
way to the Olive Branch school. Al- 
though the morning was inclement most 
of the pupils were on hand. We arrived 
for the opening exercise. Among the 
songs were "Iowa" and "The Whistling 
Farmer Boy." 

The morning nature lesson was a 
recognition and discussion of weeds that 
had been gathered on the way to school, 
and a drill on the recognition of the 
varieties of apples that were being har- 
vested in the community. It was October 
ioth, the day on which seed corn is 
selected in Iowa. A pupil gave the 
reasons for picking seed corn at that time, 
and two boys with a string exemplified the 
best way to hang up the corn after it has 
been* selected. The primary reading les- 
son that followed was based on a chart 
that had been made by the teacher in 
which she had used the pictures of birds 
common in the community, with sentences 
about the appearance and habits of each. 

The arithmetic class was studying 
mensuration. The pupils had each been 
told to measure a corn crib at home, and 
the problems that were given them to 
work at the board had to do with the 

capacity of the crib, the amount of corn 
that it would hold, and the value of the 
corn. For the guidance of her teachers 
and pupils along practical lines, Miss 
Field has written a farm arithmetic, that 
she calls "a book of real problems for farm 
boys and girls," and which she says "con- 
tains nothing about longitude or time, 
cube root, English money, or the binomial 
theorem, but is devoted to the sort of work 
that the farm boys and girls will use every 
day in actual life." 

The manual training work for the boys 
displayed in the school room was related 
to the practical work of the farm, and 
included such pieces as kitchen tables, 
milk stools, and models for farm devices 
that had been made during the year. 

This same common-sense adaptation 
of the conventional course of study to the 
needs of every day life characterized all 
the schools we visited. Not that the 
knowledge of the pupils is confined to 
local material, but in their contempla- 
tion of the distant Italy beyond the Alps 
they habitually recognize the solid earth 
of Page County beneath their feet. 

Miss Field has not found it desirable 
to develop extensive school gardens. The 
school grounds are covered with blue- 
grass, are well-kept, and are usually 
ornamented with beds of tulips and other 
simple flowers. The dominant motive 
in Page County is to centre in the home 
the larger part of the pupil's activity. 
The summer holiday prevents a full 
development of the school garden, and the 
work at home under the inspiration of 
the school enlists a more active interest 
on the part of the parents. 

The motive for the manual and in- 
dustrial work is furnished by the county 
industrial fair that is hold ever December. 
At this fair prizes are offered by the busi- 
ness men of the county for all kinds of 
handiwork, and the boys and girls of the 
county are busy months in advance pi. 
paring for it. The county superintendent 
of education and the teachers furnish the 
suggestions, directions, and the inspiration 
for this work, and the pupils do it mostly 
at home. As we rode over the county 
Miss Field pointed out the home where 
the boy lived who had taken first prize 



on his acre yield, or where the girl lived 
who had been a member of the cooking 
team that had won the state trophy at 

Occasionally we came to a section of the 
road that was very much better than other 
sections over which we had passed. Miss 
Field explained that one prize at the 
industrial fair was given for the best 
model of the King road drag, and that the 
automobile association had offered a 
prize to the Page County boy who, with a 
road drag, would keep a half mile of road 
in the best condition. She pointed out 
the home of a boy who had been thought 
incorrigible, but who had been changed 
into one of the most reliable boys in the 
county through the activity and interest 
that had been aroused by participation 
in a corn raising and corn judging contest. 

She told how handy farm devices, model 
kitchens, and devices for lightening the 
labor in the home are becoming universal 
in the county through the influence of the 
models exhibited in the school contests at 
the industrial fair; how prizes offered 
for miniature model farms, showing the 
placing of house, barns, orchard, pasture, 
and giving a crop rotation plan for five 
years, had resulted not only in a creditable 
exhibit but also in a universal knowledge 
of the best crop rotations for the county. 

Entry in the industrial fair may be made 
by the individual boys and girls or by the 
school. A silver trophy is awarded to 
the school making the best exhibit. The 
child who does not win in these contests 
is not forgotten, and every exhibitor is 
presented with the clover leaf pin of Page 

For the last two years a specialty of 
the agricultural and industrial work has 
been the boys' farm camp. This is held 
for two weeks in connection with the 
Chautauqua Assembly at Clarinda. Prof. 
E. C. Bishop, formerly state superinten- 
dent of schools for Nebraska, but now in 
charge of the extension work at Ames, 
has charge of the camp and directs the 
games and sports of the boys. Prof. 
R. K. Bliss and Prof. Murl McDonald of 
Ames offer short courses in stock judging 
and in corn and grain judging. From the 
boys who take this course, teams are 

selected and sent to take the agricultural 
short course offered at the state college 
of agriculture in January. The Page 
County team has won the state trophy in 
corn judging for two years in succession, 
and hopes next January to win it for the 
third time and thus to keep it perma- 
nently. The boys who go to Ames come 
back to the county and help teach the 
younger boys who will later hold up the 
banner of Page County. 

The boys' camp was such a success that 
the people thought they must have a camp 
for the girls also. They called it "The 
Camp of the Golden Maids." The girls 
at the camp study cooking and sewing 
under Mrs. Knowles and Miss Campbell 
of the state college. The county cook- 
ing team was selected and sent to the 
state college for the short course, and, as 
you may easily guess, brought home the 
state cooking trophy which now keeps 
company with the other trophies in the 
county superintendent's office. 

All this work has resulted in a Page 
county school spirit that is almost in- 
vincible. One noteworthy result of the 
new educational spirit is the almost total 
elimination of the school discipline prob- 
lem. The boys and girls are too busy 
for mischief, and the teachers are too busy 
and interested to indulge in those morbid 
mental states that make school manage- 
ment difficult. 

At the close of the school session every 
spring, graduating exercises are held at 
convenient points in the county, and those 
who have finished the course in the 
elementary schools meet and, in the 
presence of parents and friends, are 
awarded the county certificate. 

Two years ago the Omaha Exposition 
offered an automobile as a prize to the 
county whose schools would send the best 
agricultural and industrial exhibit. Page 
county won. What should be done with 
the automobile? "Why, give it to Miss 
Field, of course, so that she can come to 
see us oftener," was the answer in one 
voice. Miss Field has the automobile 
yet, and almost every day in Page County 
you may meet her out among the county 
schools, an inspiration to all who come in 
contact with her. 







IN THE winter of 1 910 and the follow- been dismissed through personal grudge, 

ing spring, I made an extensive trip It simply resigned to the inevitable, and 

through a large portion of China, from adopted an "after me the deluge" policy, 

southern Manchuria to Canton and hoping that those then in the service 

from Shanghai to Han-kow, study- might be permitted to live in peace and 

ing the condition of the Empire. I was grow rich in graft, and that the storm of 

amazed to find the revolutionary spirit popular wrath might break on others' heads, 

so great among the people in all the large The Chinese revolution is the realization 

centres that I visited. Revolutionary of the long centuries of dreams of the 

topics were openly discussed in the com- Chinese race. The alien Manchus had 

mercial guilds, in the literary clubs, in the firmly established themselves on the 

schools, in the inns, and in official circles. Chinese throne and soil in 1644, and the 

Among the well informed officials, the first revolutionary society was organized 

breaking out of the revolution was con- in 1646 under the title of "Heaven and 

fidently expected at any time, as they Earth League," by Chiang Ching Kung, a 

knew that it could not be delayed much great Chinese scholar and patriot. Since 

longer, and they accordingly had taken 1644 fifty-three rebellions and attempts 

measures to safeguard their interests, at rebellions have taken place, and each 

Such men as Dr. Wu Ting-fang, the former one was crushed by the Manchu Govern- 

Chinese minister at Washington; Lord Li ment with more or less bloodshed. All the 

Ching Fong, the adopted son of Li Hung former rebellions sought only to place a 

Chang and former Chinese ambassador Chinese in place of a Manchu on the 

at the court of St. James's; Viceroy Sen throne — to substitute a native monarchy 

Chun Shun, Marquis Tseng, and others for a foreign monarchy. But the present 

made feverish haste to convert into cash revolution was animated by a more loft) 

whatever property they had that was and modern policy, namely: to expel 

within the jurisdiction of the Chinese the Manchus from political power and to 

Government and to invest only in the establish a republic. 

foreign concessions under the protection The change of political faith among 

of foreign govcn. its! One of these the revolutionists from monarchism to 

men told me that he was afraid that at republicanism was definitely decided upon 

any time a revolution might come and in 1897 at a conference of revolutionary 

leave him penniless if he did - t invest leaders at Tokio, among whom, Dr. Sun 

his wealth in foreign concessions. \ it Sen, China's first provisional presi- 

Was the Manchu Government blind dent, was the moving spirit. After thor- 

to this state of affairs?' It had eyes to ough discussion, the idea of establishing 

see but it had no strength to cope with a Chinese dynasty in the event of a suc- 

the situation. What could it do? There cessful revolution was found to be im- 

were no able men in the Government's practicable and hence was abandoned. 

service, for the few really able men had To these enlightened leaders the establish- 


ment of a native monarchy not only the district council, the council will 
presented serious difficulty but also a select officials of the district and enact 
standing menace to the future peace and laws for the government of the district, 
prosperity of the country. In the first and will also select representatives from 
place, no living descendants of former the district as members of the provincial 
royal houses could be found. But even assembly. The provincial assembly will 
if one could be found that would be select the officials and enact the laws of 
acceptable to the leaders, still the ques- the province. The provincial assembly 
tion of permanent peace was not solved; will also select representatives to the 
for sooner or later strife and struggle National Assembly. The National Assem- 
would result from dissatisfaction with a bly will pass all laws for the central 
monarchical form of government as government, will approve all treaties 
modern education and intelligence in- with foreign countries, will elect a presi- 
creased among the people, so that ulti- dent and a vice-president and a premier, 
mately a war for freedom and equal and will approve or reject all appointments 
suffrage would have to be waged all over made by the president, 
again. They were sure that the ultimate Obviously, this scheme contemplates 
form of government of the whole world very limited suffrage rights as compared 
is republican. They then decided to to those enjoyed by the citizens of the 
spread the propaganda of republicanism American Republic. But it was under- 
among the younger and enlightened circles stood that as the people increase in intelli- 
of the Chinese people, especially the gence and knowledge, suffrage is to be 
student body, so that when the time should enlarged gradually until in time the people 
be ripe for the launching of another are to enjoy the right as fully as the 
revolution, the banner of a great republic citizens of the most modern republics, 
might be unfurled. A flag of the Republic In the meantime the leaders in con- 
was then designed and accepted by the ference at Tokio decided to devote all 
leaders — the flag that is now floating their energy to spreading the propaganda 
so proudly over the ancient land of China, of a revolution that they intended should 
The leaders were gratified to find that the be the most civilized known in history, 
idea of establishing a republic in China, in They resolved to work among the younger 
the event of a successful revolution, was generations and especially in the army and 
well received. The enlightened portion navy. They then thought that it would 
of the Chinese living in foreign countries require about fifteen to twenty years of 
was especially enthusiastic over the re- preliminary work before a successful 
publican idea. coup d'etat could take place. But recent 
The scheme devised by the revolution- developments in the Orient accelerated 
ary leaders for the government of a the progress of the revolutionary spirit 
Chinese republic is different from the throughout the vast Empire of China, and 
governmental scheme in the United States, thereby hastened the doom of the Manchu 
The leaders in the movement were thor- regime. Immediately after the conclu- 
oughly aware of the mental condition of sion of the disastrous war with Japan 
the Chinese people at large, and knew in 1894-1895, mutterings of discontent 
that many years must necessarily elapse against the Government were heard among 
before the masses are sufficiently educated the modernized portion of the Chinese, 
to be able to appreciate and exercise the Though these were insignificant in num- 
full rights of suffrage. Therefore, during ber at the time, they increased rapidly 
the period of reconstruction and education, until they were represented in every 
they intend that the suffrage shall be very locality. Between 1895 and 1900 great 
limited, and the selection of public serv- unrest manifested itself almost even- 
ants is to be very simple. The right to where. The people were greatly con- 
vote will be conditioned upon educational cerned about the safety of the country, 
and property holding qualifications. The They were intensely bitter against the 
qualified voters will elect the members of Government because it had shown crimi- 

I 10 


nal negligence and incompetency in every 

It was during this period that the 
Powers were conspiring to bring about 
the dismemberment of China. In fact 
the wedge of dismemberment had already 
been driven into the country's vitals 
through concessions of harbors, ports, 
railways, mining, spheres of influence, 
etc. The reform measures launched by 
the late, good intentioned emperor, Kwang 
Hsu, for a few months gave the Chinese a 
glimpse of hope, but these hopes were 
blasted by the reactionaries, headed by 
the late Empress Dowager, who rendered 
all the reform measures abortive. The 
Boxer movement, in the summer of 1900, 
was backed and encouraged by the Manchu 
Government under the late Dowager, as 
a reactionary policy primarily directed 
against the progressive spirit of the 
Chinese. Then it became apparent to 
the Chinese people that there could be no 
hope from the reactionary Manchus for 
the salvation of the country. 

After the conclusion of the Russo- 
Japanese war, 1 904- 1 905, the Chinese 
were utterly sick of the effete Manchu 
regime. They knew that it was through 
the weakness and criminal negligence of 
their Manchu rulers that Russia and Japan 
fought the late war. They regarded it 
as an everlasting disgrace and irreparable 
injury to China. They lost all faith in the 
Imperial Government's outward show of 
reform and in its empty promises. They 
had diagnosed the disease that afflicted 
the Manchu body politic as a malady 
beyond the power of remedial treatment. 

And it was not only the Chinese that 
regarded the Government as hopeless, for 
some enlightened Manchu officials had 
also viewed the situation in the same light 
and felt the same despair. Prince Pu Lun, 
the most enlightened of the Manchu 
princes, who came over to this country 
as Commissioner to the St. Louis World's 
Fair in 1904, had often discussed with 
his intimate friends the hopelessness of 
Manchu reform, and he considered the 
v ase as too far gone. His private secretary 
related to me that the Prince had antici- 
pated the utter collapse of the political 
: tructure set up by the Manchus in 1644. 

After the fanatical and reactionary so- 
called Boxer movement in 1900, the anti- 
dynastic spirit manifested itself every- 
where and the revolutionary activity 
took fresh start. Revolutionary writings, 
printed secretly in China and openly in 
foreign countries (especially in Japan), 
were to be seen and read in every com- 
munity throughout the whole Empire, 
in spite of the prohibitive measures taken 
by the Imperial Government. Revolu- 
tionary newspapers increased in number 
with remarkable rapidity in the foreign 
concessions of the treaty ports, where 
they were outside the jurisdiction of the 
Manchu Government, and among the 
Chinese colonies in foreign countries. It 
was against the law to circulate these 
newspapers in China, but they had readers 

There were great accessions to the 
revolutionary societies. These organiza- 
tions were known by different names in 
different parts of the country. The society 
in Shan-tung province was known as the 
" Big Sword League," and that in the 
provinces of Kiang-su and Che-kiang as 
the "Little Sword League." In Hu-nan 
and Hu-peh it was called the "Elder 
Brother League," while in Sze-chuen it 
was known as the "Younger Brother 
League." In Shen-si it was called the 
"White Lotus League," in Kansu the 
"Heaven Clear League." In Kwan-tung 
were three organizations, namely: the 
"Three United League," the "Three 
Dot League" and the "China Reviving 
League." There are many similar organi- 
zations among the Chinese in foreign 
countries. There are five among the 
Chinese in America: the "Most Im- 
partial League" — commonly called the 
Chinese Free Mason Society — the "Great 
Harmony League," the "Golden Orchid 
League," the "Middle Reviving League," 
and the "Covenant League.'' The two 
last named were organized by Dr. Sun 
Yat Sen through hard personal endeavor. 
In the Straits Settlements they have 
the "Middle Harmony Company." They 
give the name of "Company" to their 
organization because the British Colonial 
Government does not permit the organi- 
zation and maintenance of secret societies. 


in Tokio the revolutionists call their advocates lost no time in pushing ahead 
society the "Covenant League." the doctrine of political liberty and 
The most ardent workers for the revolu- national regeneration. Special efforts were 
tionary cause were the students. Their made to win over the entire army and 
enthusiasm and devotion to the new ideal navy to the side of the people. And in 
were without bound, and the reckless and fact these two parts of the Manchu Gov- 
fearless manner in which they carried on ernment were thoroughly honeycombed 
the preaching of the gospel of political with revolutionary propaganda, with 
emancipation cost many of them their or without the knowledge of the officers 
lives in recent years, but that did not deter in command. It was the intention of 
others from following this dangerous calling, the revolutionary leaders to destroy the 
During the last two years the growth of Manchu Government without much loss 
democratic tendency among the leaders of lives and property, 
of the people was remarkable, and the On the clear and peaceful day of Octo- 
boldness of the press in advocating the ber 10, 191 1, the long looked for spark 
rights of the people was no less remarkable, started at the viceregal city of Wuchang. 
In December, 1910, I was in Peking and The Viceroy, Juicheng, blind to his own 
there listened to the speeches made on the helplessness and to the formidable strength 
floor of the National Assembly. These of the revolutionary portion of the army, 
speeches and debates were very demo- beheaded thirty-eight soldiers and officers 
cratic, even revolutionary, in spirit. In for being involved in a revolutionary 
one of the sittings the Prince Regent was conspiracy. At once a large portion of the 
denounced in the severest terms for siding troops, under Col. Li Yuen Hung, raised 
with the grand councilors in opposing the the standard of revolt and unfurled the 
actions taken by the Assembly on the day tricolor of the Republic, and proclaimed 
previous. A member got up on the plat- the principle of the revolution to the 
form and in a ringing voice said: people. Almost immediately one province 
"We wish to let the Government under- after another fell into line and declared 
stand that the Empire is no longer the for the Republic with hardly any struggle 
property of a few men. It belongs to the or loss of lives. Within four months, the 
people, and we are the representatives of political machine of the Manchus, which 
the people; therefore we must take meas- had held on to the Chinese throne for two 
ures to safeguard the interest of the people, hundred and seventy years, completely 
If the Prince Regent continues to side collapsed and became a thing of the past, 
with the obsolete and useless grand coun- The oldest monarchy became the youngest 
cilors, in obstructing the progress and the republic on earth. The emancipation of 
interest of the people, we shall be com- four hundred and fifty million human 
pelled by our sense of duty to impeach the beings from despotism and political slavery 
Prince Regent, to show him that he is not had been accomplished. The first great 
so indispensable to the well being of the republic of Asia was born, 
nation. Let him take notice of this." Now despotism has been at last de- 
Could a speech more democratic and throned and the people have come to 
fearless be heard on the floor of the their own. The leaders of the revolution 
American Congress in Washington? have shown themselves to be really great 
After the death of that remarkable patriots and capable of great deeds. It is 
woman who had held the reins of govern- their intention to work together to build 
ment with such a firm hand for so many the Republic on a firm foundation and to 
years — the Empress Dowager, Tze Hsi bring about the materialization of the 
— on November 15, 1908, the government following aims: 

fell into incapable hands, and had no A strong central government, moderni- 

settled policy either in foreign relations or zation of all institutions, complete de- 

in internal administration. Seeing the velopment of natural resources, absolute 

weakness of the Imperial Government, and separation of church and state, close and 

taking advantage of it, the revolutionary harmonious relations with the world. 


HOW can I get the flies out of 
my house and keep them 
First, kill all the flies in the 
house. Close the windows 
and doors, heat a small coal shovel, and 
pour twenty drops of carbolic acid on it. 
The fumes from the acid will kill all the 
flies in a large room. Another way is to 
burn pyrethrum powder — ordinary " Per- 
sian Insect Powder" — which, if pure and 
freshly ground, will give off a dense smoke 
that will stupefy every fly within reach of 
its fumes, so that they can then be swept 
up and burned. Kill th^m with "swat- 
ters." A very simple home-made "swat- 
ter" can be made of a piece of wire window 
screening four or five inches wide and six 
to eight inches long, inserted in a cleft 
in the end of a two-foot stick. 

For the stray fly, use sticky fly paper 
and poison. The most effective poison is 
a solution of formalin in the proportion of 
eight teaspoonfuls to a quart of water. 
This is a safe poison where little children 
are about, for even if they should drink 
it, it would not kill them. Break a small 
nick in the edge of a bottle's mouth, fill 
the bottle with the solution and stand it 
inverted, in a saucer. Enough of the 
poison will flow into the saucer to answer 
the purpose, and as it evaporates more 
will flow down from the bottle. A piece 
of bread covered with sugar placed in the 
saucer will attract the flies. If placed 
where dogs or birds can get at it, cover 
the poison outfit with a screen of coarse 
wire, so as not to poison anything but the 
flies. ' 

Another cheap and reliable fly poison 
which is not dangerous to human life Is 
made by dissolving one drachm of bi- 
chromate of petroleum in two ounces of 
water, sweetened with sugar. 

Fly traps can be easily made at home 
by rolling a piece of wire netting into a 
cylinder eight inches in diameter and a 
foot high. Another piece of the netting 
in folded into a cone and placed over the 

top and another cone placed inside the 
lower end of the cylinder, this cone having 
a hole punched in its apex through which 
the flies can crawl readily. The device 
should be set up so the flies may crawl 
under it, and baited with sweets. 

A form of fly trap that is especially 
effective in stores and restaurant kitchens 
consists of a trough of tin three quarters 
of an inch wide and of the same depth, and 
as long as the width of the window. If 
this is placed close against the window on 
the inside and kept half filled with kero- 
sene, every fly approaching the window 
will fall into it, for the fumes of the 
kerosene have an overpowering effect on 
the insect. 

Screen doors 'are a favorite gathering 
place for flies, which hang about them 
waiting for someone to let them in. 
Mix a teaspoonful of carbolic acid 
with a quart of kerosene and rub 
the solution on the screen door. It 
will at once cease to attract the flies. A 
weak solution of formaldehyde may be 
applied in the same way. 

The same carbolic acid and kerosene 
solution may be used in an ordinary plant 
sprayer to spray the garbage can, which is 
the principal attraction for flies indoors. 
A better plan, however, is to keep the 
garbage can outdoors and put a fly trap 
in the cover of it. Any local tinsmith 
can attach a trap to the cover readily, 
and at a very small expense. Fly traps 
can also be easily attached to window 
screens so that flies which do get in will 
be caught as they are going out. 

There would be no flies to kill if there 
were no filth for them to breed in. Ninety 
per cent, of all Hies are bred in horse 
manure, so keep the stable tightly screened, 
with fly traps set in the window screens. 
Spray the floors around the horse stalls 
with a good disinfectant. Pyroligneous 
acid, a by-producl of the distillation of tur- 
pentine, is a very valuable spray because 
it is effectiye and non-inflammable. It 
can be bought in New York for S4.25 a 


barrel and may be obtained wherever After the refuse pile has been removed 

paints and oils are sold. Kerosene is good, sprinkle the ground thoroughly, as the 

but increases the fire risk. Keep the fly maggots crawl down into the earth to 

stable refuse in a bin tightly covered with develop. 

a wire netting cover. This will prevent If the house drains empty on the sur- 

the female fly from getting access to the face of the ground, pour kerosene into them, 

contents to lay her eggs. If your sewerage system leaks pour kero- 

Clean up every place where decaying sene into it. 

animal or vegetable refuse accumulates. If possible, burn all garbage. There 

Spray every receptacle for refuse with one are garbage incinerators that may be 

of the kerosene or pyroligneous acid attached to the stove pipe that reduce 

preparations, or with any good com- the garbage to a combustible mass without 

mercial disinfectant. Remember all the odor. 

time that flies and filth begin with the If you cannot trace the flies about your 

same letter and mean the same thing. premises to any other source, look in the 

Keep the flies away from the sick room, cuspidor, 

especially where there are contagious Keep flies away from food. Hemis- 

diseases. pherical wire screens to place over dishes 

Don't let waste paper or old rags accu- may be bought anywhere in all sizes, 

mulate where they can decay. Flies will Any one who will follow these directions 

breed in them if exposed to moisture. can get rid of flies. 





N THE 14th of December, ship had found Amundsen in the Fratn 

1 911, Roald Amundsen, in Balloon Bight or the Bay of Whales 

the first man to navigate near the Eastern end of the Ross Sea ice 

ashipthroughtheNorthwest barrier, and not far from King Edward 

Passage, and four compan- VII Land. On the 10th of February, 

ions raised the Norwegian flag at the 191 1, Amundsen's land party commenced 

South Pole. establishing advance depots for the polar 

This expedition left Christiania a year sledge journey which actually began 

and a half before, in June, 1910, in Nan- October, 20th, and ended January 25th, 

sen's ship, the Fratn, ostensibly bound with their return to the Bay of Whales, one 

for Behring Strait via Cape Horn, to year from the time of landing, 
attempt a three or four year drift a,cross Leaving the Shackleton route to the 

the North Polar basin and over the Pole Scott expedition, as he was bound to do 

itself. From Madeira Amundsen cabled according to exploring ethics, Amundsen 

home, apparently much to the surprise set a direct course for the pole west of the 

of his friends, that he was going to the coast of King Edward VII Land, develop- 

Antarctic regions and make an attempt ing his own route. To my mind Amund- 

to reach the South Pole. He was next sen had one great advantage over the 

heard from at Buenos Ayres. A few Scott expedition. His tractive power was 

months later it was reported that Scott's dogs. His experience with them in the 


South proved their effectiveness as my First, a sledge expedition having for its 
experience did in the North. After land- object the South Pole has a permanent 
ing Amundsen and his party, the Fram fixed surface (for all intents and purposes, 
put back to Buenos Ayres for the winter, land) uninterrupted by lanes of open water, 
going south again in time to drive her way on which to work and travel. On such a 
farther south than any ship had ever been surface depots can be established at 
before and to take on board the successful intervals of fifty miles if desirable, all the 
explorers. way to the South Pole, thus greatly re- 
in the meanwhile the British expedi- ducing the loads upon the sledges, and 
tion, commanded by Captain Robert enabling the sledges on the return journey 
Scott, R. N., the most complete expedition to travel almost without loads. A sledge 
of them all, is unheard from. It may have expedition having for its object the North 
reached the South Pole either before or Pole must traverse the surface of a frozen 
after Amundsen. It is exceedingly prob- ocean that breaks up completely every 
able that it has reached it, for the men on summer, and that, under the influence of 
this expedition have had more Antarctic a severe storm, will crack into impassable 
experience than those of any other one. lanes of open water almost under the 
(There is a German, a Japanese, and an traveler's feet, even in the fiercest cold of 
Australian expedition besides the English midwinter. On this surface no depots 
and Norwegian expeditions.) can be established. The last depot must 
The English ship, the Terra Nova, was be on the most northern point of the land, 
not originally designed for exploration as 413 miles from the North Pole, and that 
the Fram was, but it was the finest of entire distance out and back must be 
the New Foundland sealing fleet, built covered with the provisions that can be 
especially for ice work and strengthened carried upon the sledges, with no chance 
for exploration. Captain Scott's equip- to lighten their loads, 
ment includes twenty ponies and thirty Second, the sledging season in the Ant- 
dogs, and one or two ice automobiles, arctic regions is limited only by the length 
giving him with his men four dif- of the long Antarctic summer day, and is, 
ferent kinds of tractive power for drag- therefore, eight or nine months long, where- 
ging his sledges. But the number of his as in the North, the sledging season, com- 
dogs is comparatively few. Captain mencing with the first returning light of 
Amundsen lost thirty-six of his, or six the summer day, is ended by the breaking 
more than Captain Scott took. The up of the sea ice in June, four months later 
British seem to have put their main re- at the best. 

liance on their ponies and motors, and in Third, the sledging season in the Ant- 
this, though I may be mistaken, I feel, both arctic regions is late spring and summer, 
on general principles and from a study of the warmest part of the year; while in the 
Shackleton's experiences, that they may Arctic regions it is late winter and earls- 
be handicapped. spring, the coldest part of the year, thoueji 
This expedition is working along a route this is not of vital importance to an ex- 
discovered and persistently exploited and perienced party properly clothed. 
completely preempted by the British. These great advantages far more than 
The navigable part was developed by balance the fact that the distance to be 
James Ross in 1841 ; 277 miles of the sledge traversed by sledge to reach the South Pole 
journey from winter quarters toward the is 700 miles each way, as compared with 
Pole were blazed by Captain Scott himself 450 miles each way to reach the North Pole. 
in 1902; 366 miles more were added by There is the disadvantage in a South 
Shackleton in 1909. From Shackleton's Polar journey that the last third of the 
farthest south to the Pole is 97 miles. distance is at an altitude of 7,000 to 

Three fundamental natural conditions 1 1,000 feet above sea level, 
stand to the advantage of the seeker for Conditions at the two Poles are as un- 
the South Pole, as compared with the like as the Poles are far apart. An ex- 
seeker for the North Pole. plorer at the North Pole would be stand- 





1 16 


ing on the frozen surface of an ocean two 
miles or more in depth. An explorer at 
the South Pole would be standing on the 
surface of a great snow cap two miles or 
more above sea level. The most northerly 
North Polar lands known possess a com- 
parative abundance of animal life — 
musk-ox, reindeer, Polar bear, wolf, fox, 
arctic hare, ermine, lemming, and land 
birds, as well as forms of insect life — and 
during a few short weeks in summer num- 
bers of brilliant flowers. Human life 
ranges to within some 700 miles of the 
North Pole. On the Antarctic continent, 
there is absolutely no form of animal or 
vegetable life, though two or three species 
of sea birds breed during a few weeks in 
summer at several localities on the coast. 
No human life is to be found nearer than 

Tierra del Fuego, some 2,000 miles from 
the South Pole. 

Efforts to attain the North Pole have 
been going on for nearly 400 years. 

Efforts to reach the South Pole date 
back 140 years. 

The history of North Polar exploration 
is studded with crushed and foundering 
ships, and the deaths of hundreds of brave 

The history of South Polar exploration 
shows the loss of but one ship, Norden- 
skjold's Antarctica in 1902, and the 
loss of one or two men on some of the other 
expeditions. In one respect, they are 
alike: In the struggle for the attain- 
ment of both, success depended in the last 
analysis on the first primitive machine, the 
animal — men and dogs. 




(scientist in the united states son. SURVEY) 

FOURTEEN of the forty-eight 
states of the Union possess 
sufficient improved land of the 
proper kind of soil with proper 
climate and sufficient rainfall to 
produce all the staple crops now growing 
in the country. To make them do so, all 
that is necessary is for the average yield 
to come up to a reasonable standard — a 
standard which many American farmers 
already have achieved, which some whole 
counties have achieved, and which is still 
below the standard of European countries. 
This could be done and still leave 26,000,- 
000 acres of improved land in these four- 
teen states to be devoted to minor crops or 
to the increase in production of the staples. 
1 he corn crop of the United States could 
be produced upon the present improved 
land in Indiana, Illinois, and Iowa, and 
there would be 10,000,000 acres left over. 
The improved land of Texas could grow all 
the cotton and rice that this country now 
grows, and nearly 7,000,000 acres would be 
left over. All the hay and forage of the 

United States could come from the present 
improved land of Michigan, Ohio, Ken- 
tucky, and Tennessee, and 8,000,000 acres 
would be untouched. North and South 
Dakota could produce the total wheat 
crop and have an overplus of ahead) im- 
proved land sufficient for the accommoda- 
tion of the barley crop. All the oats and 
flax and rye and buckwheat which are now 
grown in the United States could be han- 
dled in Minnesota and Wisconsin. A 
potato supply equal to the great crop of 
1909 could be raised in Maine, and leave 
nearly a half million acres unused. Mas- 
sachusetts might grow all the American 
tobacco crop on her own improved land 
and keep 109,000 acres for other crops. 
All this could be done if the average yield 
per acre were only raised to a reasonable 
figure. If our yield of corn was 40 bushels 
instead of 25, if our cotton was half a bale 
instead of a third, if our potatoes were 
200 bushels instead of 100. etc., this could 
be done. Any one familiar with good farm- 
ing knows that such yields are possible. 



These facts give any patriotic American 
the proper answer to the question how shall 
we be fed in the generations to come. It 
is possible to produce the food we need on 
the land that is already improved. For- 
merly the requirements of increased agri- 
cultural production were made through 
the increase in the acreage of farm land. 
To some extent in the future this same 
method will be used. Yet the limits of 
additional farm land area are more 
nearly approached with each succeeding 
year, and already we are getting to a 

marks only the beginning. In 1870, 
35! per cent, of the industrial population 
of the country was engaged in agriculture. 
In 1900, this proportion had declined to 
26 per cent. In 1870, every farm family 
supported two non-agricultural families 
with the fundamental necessities of life, - 
and in 1900 it was called upon to support 
three. An increase of 50 per cent, in 
productive effort has been imposed upon 
the farmer within a single generation. 
This disproportion between industrial 
workers and farmers, becoming reasonably 


point where we improve our already 
fenced land rather than add new lands 
to the farms. 

This fact, at the end of the first decade 
of the twentieth century, marks the begin- 
ning of a new era in American agriculture 
— a new era in which progress is at- 
tained through better methods rather than 
through the increase in acreage, and this 
new era has already begun; for during the 
last decade the average yields per acre 
excelled those of any other period in the 
history of the country. But this progress 

acute, is the fundamental and sound basis 
for the Back-to-the-Land movement. An 
increase in the number of people to tend 
to the land well and to the cultivation of 
the unimproved acres now included in 
farms would not only maintain our food 
supply but would maintain the export 
trade which we have been losing, and might 
even permit of an increase of its volume. 
The truth of this statement is apparent 
from a consideration of the figures given 
for the acreage of improved land, and from 
a statement of attainable crop yields. 



Laud and Crop Areas of the United States as shown in 
the thirteenth census 



Total land area, 1,903,289,600 

Land in farms. 878,798,325 40,206,551 
Improved land. 478,451,750 63,953,263 

There are four principles which consti- 
tute the basis of the methods employed by 
the successful farmers who have so far 
set what standards we possess. The first 
of these is concerned with the special 
adaptability of particular soils to produce 
specific crops. For instance, there is one 
extensive soil type, the Marshall silt loam, 
which is the dominant soil in each of the 
premier counties of the five great corn- 
producing states. It covers an established 

Marshall silt loam that are especially 
well fitted for corn growing. Yet a smaller 
acreage of corn is annually planted upon 
them than upon other soils. And experi- 
ments have shown that the farmers who 
make this mistake of planting on ill- 
adapted soil are three times poorer at the 
end of the year than are the men who 
plant more wisely. The principle affects 
both the quality and the quantity of the 
crop. In the progress of soil survey work 
in one of the North-Central states it was 
ascertained that the millers paid a bonus 
of several cents a bushel for the wheat 
grown in one portion of the county. The 
soil survey revealed an almost unbroken 



Table showing the number of acres actually used to produce 
the various total yields of twelve staple crops in 1909. 






25.9 bu. 



15.4 bu. 



28.6 bu. 


Hay and forage 

1.35 tons 



106. 1 bu. 



815.0 lbs. 

1,294,91 1 


33.0 bu. 



0.3 bale 



24.3 bu. 

7,01 1,000 

Flax Seed* 

9.4 bu. 



16. 1 bu. 



20.9 bu. 




Table showing the smaller number of 
acres that would be necessary to pro- 
duce thesameyield if there were a high- 
er standard of productivity per acre. 







40.0 bu. 

20.0 bu. 






20.0 bu 
25.0 bu 











2--,. 178,236 


1.05;, 70s 





1,61 1,950 


From the Year Book, U. S. Department of Agriculture. 

area of 60,000,000 acres in the "corn belt," 
and nowhere in this area except at the 
extreme western limit of precipitation 
does the average acreage yield of corn sink 
below 40 bushels. In many counties 
where this soil prevails, the average yield 
of corn is maintained at 43 to 45 bushels 
per acre, and individual farms consisting 
of it have, for a generation, yielded average 
crops. The leading corn-producing county 
of the United States which is 88 per cent. 
Marshall silt loam, yields annually a crop 
approximately equal to that of New York 
state and a trifle in excess of the total 
production of all New England. 

1 here are three other soils besides the 

block of one of the dominant wheat soils 
covering that section, as contrasted with 
different soils in other portions of the 
count v. 

Rotation, the second great principle, 
has been more thoroughly discussed. Yet 
there are sections within the boundaries 
of the United States where the "one-crop" 
system of agriculture is still followed. 
And each such section, no matter whether 
the crop be wheat or corn or cotton, is 
marked by low average yields and in some 
cases by decreased production. On the 
other hand, the regions that have adopted 
the modern system of crop rotations to 
supplant fallowing have shown largely 



increased yields both per acre and per 
square mile. The modern farmer, outside 
of the semi-arid region, can have no valid 
excuse for the practice of either the one- 
crop system or of fallowing. For it is now 
known that there are a sufficient number 
of different kinds of crops, adaptable to the 
same conditions of soil and climate, to make 
rotation practicable on almost any kind of 

A third principle which must be learned 
in many regions is that of better tillage 
of the soil. Under pioneer conditions the 
prairie sod was laboriously broken to the 
depth of a few inches and the grain was 
frequently sown upon the raw edges of the 
furrows. In other portions of the United 
States light-weight plows were used to 
turn the sandy soil to a depth of three or 
four inches at the most. It would be safe 
to say that this system of shallow plowing 
and incomplete fitting of the soils is 
responsible for the poor crop yields over a 
greater territory than is any other single 
faulty method of agriculture. There are 
many states within which the average 
depth of plowing at the present time does 
not exceed three and one half inches. The 
surface of the land is merely scratched. 
Such carelessness and ignorance must be 
abolished and the careful lessons of the 
Old World tilling must be learned. Better 
work-stock must be secured — and more 
adequate farm machinery; improved, 
labor-saving methods must be instituted, 
and there must be a thorough study of 
labor management. 

A fourth necessity is the knowledge of 
proper methods of fertilization. An almost 
incredible amount of material is now 
wasted which might be utilized to maintain 
and increase the fertility of the soil. It 
has been estimated that all the live stock 
in the United States annually produces 
manure having a commercial value in 
excess of $2,000,000,000, and at least one 
half of this amount is absolutely wasted. 
Yet the expenditure for purchased fertiliz- 
ers amounted to $130,000,000 in the last 
census year. It might be objected that 
the waste of stable manure does not occur 
in the regions where the greater proportion 
of the purchased fertilizer is used. That 
may be partly true, but the facts show that 

the great fertilizer-using section annually 
permits the waste of an amount of stable 
manure equal in value to its cash expen- 
diture for fertilizer. 

After many years of careful experimenta- 
tion the best authorities who have studied 
the matter of fertilization are practically 
agreed that no manufactured compound 
is equal to stable manure for the last- 
ing improvement of the crop-producing 
power of the soil. This is especially true 
in the case of the great staple crops and of 
the most extensively developed areas of 
general farming soils. It is, therefore, 
incumbent upon American farmers to 
secure this vast treasure of fertility which 
is now lost to the land. 

In spite, however, of the many discour- 
agements due to the ignorance or hard- 
headedness of farmers, it is very evident 
that the old forms of extensive agriculture 
are slowly giving place to the newer forms 
of intensive farming and that hundreds of 
acres of land in the Eastern United States, 
which were formerly devoted to the pro- 
duction of a few bushels of wheat per acre, 
are now yielding 200 and 300 bushels of 
potatoes. Southern lands which were 
unoccupied prairie or scattered pine forest 
a generation ago are now yielding 35 
bushels of rice per acre. Grassy swales 
from which a scanty yield of wild hay was 
secured twenty years ago are now yielding 
a bale of cotton or 50 bushels of corn per 
acre in many of the alluvial bottoms of the 
great Mississippi basin. Rocky hillsides 
which supported a sparse growth of 
scrubby oak until the beginning of the 
last decade are now occupied by vineyard 
and orchard. And it is a pleasant thing to 
be able to say to the pessimists who have 
threatened us with starvation that the 
American farmers have so increased the 
extent and the efficiency of their labors 
that the per capita production of all the 
great food . crops grown for human con- 
sumption has attained to the highest 
mark in the history of the nation. 

The important thing to be remembered 
is that the paramount need of American 
agriculture at the present time is of 
effectively tilled land and of more men to 
till it. That is the fundamental basis of 
the Back-to-the-Land Movement. 



RIVERSIDE, Cal., is a town 
with a good inheritance. It 
owes its happy origin to the 
enterprise of a handful of 
Easterners who journeyed to 
the arid Southwest forty-one years ago 
in search of health and a home. These 
newcomers were not daunted by the 
desolate appearance of the valley, but 
chose their site in the midst of the sage- 
brush. They brought in artesian water 
from the mountains and set out orange 
groves. And they built broad streets 
which, for the sake of comfort and 
beauty, they planted with triple rows 
of trees. Everything prospered and 
Riverside became an oasis in the Cali- 
fornia desert. 

In the course of time, however, as the 
little city grew in numbers and in wealth, 
it allowed the spirit of commercialism 
to creep into its precincts. This new spirit 
straightway decreed that the big trees, on 
which in early days so much care had been 
lavished, were an expense and a trouble. 
Business carried on beneath bowers of leaf 
and bloom did not seem like serious busi- 
ness. Even on the residence streets the 
trees were considered a nuisance. The 
wood might more advantageously be used 
for fires. So right and left the axes were 
busy and numberless great trees met their 
end in the kitchen stove. Riverside, for 
all its heritage, was rapidly becoming as 
straggly and barren as any other prosper- 
ous, rapidly growing Western town. 

About thirteen years ago, the inhabitants 
suddenly opened their eyes to the fact 
that they were committing Esau's folly. 
Immediately they set about repairing the 
wrong with the same reckless abandon 
that had characterized their former zeal 
in despoiling. They planted everywhere, 
they filled in with anything. Each 
property owner garnished his froni 
with his own favorite, kind of shrub, 
it) loss of what his neighbor was doing. 
I rees of all heights and varieties were 

crowded side by side. Riverside was now 
in danger of becoming a hodge-podge of 
spurious and unharmonious growths. 

Then once again the citizens took 
thought. This time they did so with 
wisdom. They appealed, forthwith, to 
the Chamber of Commerce. This body 
straightway appointed a tree committee 
and went deep into its own pockets for 
funds to carry on the work. There was 
no more hit or miss arrangement. For 
two years this committee sorted and 
planted trees and educated public opinion. 
Mass meetings were held and private sub- 
scriptions enlisted. In 1907, a new charter 
went into effect providing for a Board of 
Park Commissioners, and a Tree Warden 
who was to have complete control of all 
the street trees — of their planting, care, 
and general management. This officer 
began by studying the character of the 
city and of the country. Obviously, the 
kind of trees in keeping with the tradi- 
tions of that southwestern land were of a 
semi-tropical variety. Palms he chose for 
the business sections, and quick-growing 
acacias and pepper trees for the residence 
districts. No street was too mean or too 
unimportant for adornment. 

At present Riverside, though it has but 
16,000 inhabitants, possesses 200 miles 
of shaded streets. Since the work was 
commenced, more than 9.464 trees have 
been planted, enough (with those that 
were already there), if placed consecutively 
40 feet apart, to line two sides of a street 
for 70 miles. 

That is the story of how Riverside was 
true to its heritage. And the cheerful 
part in it all is that commercialism, which 
had so insistently demanded ugliness as 
itial to its prosperity, has lost nothing 
by the city's defiance of its dictates; for 
Riverside has increased steadily in riches 
and in population. Neighboring cities 
have looked on, have envied and admired, 
and six of them recently have gone and 
done likewise. 

The World's Work 



Mr. Edison and Mr. Bell - - Frontispiece 

THE MARCH OF EVENTS — An Editorial Interpretation - 

Mr. Guglielmo Marconi Miss Julia c Lathrop Count Sutemi Chinda 

Mr. Charles M. Cabot Mrs. Corra Harris 

The Degradation of a High Office Teaching Children Thrift 

Before the Conventions If We Farmed as We Should 

An Unprecedented Electoral Possibility About Drudgery 

A Menace to Panama Modernizing Accident Laws 

A Flock of Old War Bogies The Lonely American Merchantman 

A Builder of Empire Gone How Business and Politics Work Together 

The Need for Negro Doctors Mr. Adams and His Pension Articles 

To Improve the Race Small Statesmen and a Big River 



THE SOLID MILLION IN GERMANY (Illustrated) Second Article of 

"The Worldwide Sweep of Socialism" - - - Samuel P. Orth 146 

Frank Parker Stockbridge 161 

WHAT I AM TRYING TO DO - - - - William Howard Taft 173 

HOW TO MAKE A FLYLESS TOWN ---------- i 7 6 


William Bayard Hale 179 

WHY COFFEE COSTS TWICE AS MUCH (Illus.) - Robert Sloss 194 


THE NEW COMPETITION — II Arthur J. Eddy 209 

A SAFE WAY TO GET ON THE SOIL (Illustrated) Anita Moore 215 

Stewart Edward White 220 
"WIRELESS" AND THE "TITANIC"— An authorized interview with 

Guglielmo Marconi ----------------225 

THE MATTER WITH THE MINISTRY - - - - A Clergyman 227 


WHY BACK TO THE LAND? ___--. . 239 

THE MARCH OF THE CITIES - - - William Talbott Childs 240 

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Published monthly. Copyright, 191 2, by Doubleday, Page & Company. 

All rights reserved. Entered at the Post-Office at Garden City, N. Y., as second-class mail matter. 

Country Life in America The Garden Magazine-Farming 

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F. N. Doubleday. President W ^Houston E ' \ Vice-Presidents Russell Doubleday Sec'y S A. EvEMTT, Treas. 





JUNE, 1912 

Volume XXIV 

Number 2 


SURELY there are a great many 
citizens of the United States 
who share the feeling of the 
World's Work, that the 
personal controversy between 
Mr. Taft and Mr. Roosevelt is not only a 
national misfortune but a national dis- 
grace. To apportion blame accurately 
— that would do no good even if it were 
possible by a detached commentator. 
But, in the main matter of their bitter 
accusations, each tells the truth about 
the other: Mr. Taft has been a com- 
plaisant President; and Mr. Roosevelt 
has not squared himself with his own 
declaration about a third-term nor ' has 
he fought frankly and fairly. Dignity 
does not always play a high part in our 
democracy; but even our democratic 
propriety has suffered grave offence at 
their hands. It is a sorrowful spectacle 

Of course, the partisans of Mr. Taft 
say: "Well, what else could he do? 
Ought he to suffer misrepresentation and 
defeat in silence?" Well, there are other 
ways for a President to speak than in 
personal controversies from rear plat- 

forms. And the partisans of Mr. Roose- 
velt say: "When Mr. Taft had shown 
himself a disappointment, Mr. Roosevelt 
risked defeat and humiliation by trying 
to bring the party back to right ways." 
Yes, but why by a stump campaign and 
personal controversy? 

These explanations do not go to the 
root of the matter. For the President 
and the former President have been en- 
gaged in a brawl, accusing one another 
of hypocrisy and falsification. Their "de- 
bate" has not been about great principles 
nor important policies. It has been on 
the low level of personal attack and 
personal defence. 

Inevitably, when the excitement of the 
combat is passed, sober and thoughtful men 
will regard them both with less respect 
than they regarded them before. Worse 
yet, the great office of President has been 
degraded in men's eyes. They have seen 
it handed over by one man to another 
and then treated by them as the prize of a 
personal combat to decide which of them 
shall now have it. This is a deep and 
lasting offence against the dignity of the 
great office. 

Copyright, 1012, by Doubleday, Page & Co. All rights reserved. 











Cop\ b\ Harris & 1 n tie 







— ~ 

• u. 

5 = 

— _ 

— < 




BEFORE THE CONVENTIONS tradictions and associations; the idol of 

the impatiently active; he is an impulse 
R. TAFT — by temperament not rather than a well ordered force; a man of 
suited for sturdy executive duties, the most varied knowledge and accomplish- 
tTeing too trustful of those near ments, but strangely lacking in economic 
him and too inaccessible to those who grasp; capable of mistaking his wishes for 
speak plainly to him; "a good man sur- principles; the probable destroyer of his 
rounded by gentlemen who know exactly party in his zeal to lift it up; incapable of 
what they want," "meaning well feebly;" retirement and lacking the patience to 
patriotic but indecisive till driven to harvest and to use the great influence of 
anger; compromising by nature — hoping his prodigious activities; if he should be- 
that the Pinchot and Wiley troubles, for come President again, why not still again? 
examples, will blow over; intellectually That is the rock that he is in danger of, 
lazy till spurred to action — composing for he is going recklessly over uncharted 
a Winona speech, for example, between waters. The pity of it is that he is running 
railway stations; an amiable and at- at all. It was a great enough violence to 
tractive man at close range, but an inept the real rule of the people that he dictated 
leader, not knowing the people; a man of his own successor in the Presidency. It 
policies rather than of fundamental con- would be somewhat too dictatorial if he 
victions, with a naif confidence in mere should become successor to that successor, 
party leaders and a sort of childlike inter- Mr. Bryan — whose career is without 
pretation of party platforms; as fierce parallel in our history (certainly since 
in anger as he is amiable in repose, his Henry Clay ceased to be a Presidential 
smile giving place to violent speech which candidate); a man who has lived to see 
sounds as if it were assumed; a man who his successful competitors take many of 
has not reasoned out a fundamental his political doctrines and plans and 
economic creed; a formal minded man, relabel them and get credit for them; 
thinking clearly by statutes rather than yet observing this series of events and his 
by principles; a President of very con- series of defeats with philosophy and even 
siderable achievement, for which he has with humor; an enduring campaigner, 
not received due credit because of his lack a friendly and kindly nature with a 
of commanding tones; like a quiet day philosophy of life that gives him a sincere 
after a cyclone, which seems dull and sympathy with the masses of men; a 
heavy because of the wind and fury of man who missed being the foremost 
the day before; more unfortunate than Democrat of his time by his serious 
blameworthy, approved by sufferance intellectual limitations, but a man whose 
rather than with applause; a President that instinctive perception of the democratic 
has many personal friends but few active philosophy has made him a great leader 
partisans except under compulsion; the of the masses; sobered by time and be- 
victim of his own fundamental mistake in come more tolerant and broader, he is the 
not accepting a seat on the Supreme Bench, loudest voice yet in expressing the crude 
Mr. Roosevelt — the foremost political cry for justice to the unprivileged and 
personality of his time, whose vigorous forgotten; a shrewd politician and thrifty, 
and dictatorial use of the Presidency gave with his belief yet unshaken that he was 
the office a new meaning and gave the born to be President — why not at the 
nation a new impulse; whose prodigious coming election ? a party dictator with an 
success bred in him a prodigious im- air of humility; if his mind were as good 
patience, and has misled him into sacri- an instrument for clear thinking as his 
ficing the dignity of his position; willing to voice is for clear speaking, he would long 
risk defeat for great principles of "social ago have been invincible; and he may be 
justice" that are somewhat too vague for invincible yet, for he can yet convince 
clear political formulation, but so fierce himself of any popular plausibility, and 
in their hold on him that they drive him the Republicans may accept a candidate 
into compromising pugnacities and con- of desperation. 



Governor I larmon — a man of common- 
place mind whose thinking was done 
a generation ago; old-fashioned because 
inert and temperamentally "stand-pat;" 
a lawyer of good practice chiefly for 
corporations; a man of a kindly nature, 
a sort of old-fashioned gentleman fur- 
nished to order for the present occasion, 
who would not have been thought of for 
President if he had lived in a small state; 
acceptable to those whose god is named 
Status Quo and who wish a President 
that will not disturb things; a sort of 
intellectual and political brother to Mr. 
Alton B. Parker, who once ran for the 

Mr. Champ Clark — a good-natured 
country campaigner and teller of bucolic 
yarns, well-liked by his fellows of the same 
calibre in Congress, who call him by his 
first name; without dignity of mind or 
of manner; a man to whom the routine 
of party and of political procedure is the 
aim of things and party loyalty is law; 
without any vision of statesmanship; 
a common politician of the personally 
respectable sort, lacking in prudence be- 
cause lacking in knowledge; with a genius 
for blundering speech; without hardiness 
of mind or of convictions; in the race as 
a stalking horse or dummy, as everybody 
knows but himself, yet a possible nominee 
by a slip in the game of the managers of 
the convention; perhaps the only Demo- 
crat whose nomination would make Re- 
publican success certain whoever be the 
Republican nominee. 

Governor Woodrow Wilson — a scholar 
in government, with an historical and 
political perspective; a man of profound 
convictions, holding that there should 
be no class that shall receive privileges from 
the Government; regarding boss rule and 
the private conduct of public business as 
the worst crimes against political society; 
trustful of the people, a Democrat in fact; 
with brief but eminently successful exe- 
cutive experience (the New Jersey of 
to-da\ being a wholl) different political 
community from the New Jersey of two 
years ago); courageous because he has 
fundamental convictions and a sturdj 
seriousness of character: a man of high 
ideals to whom politics has a profound 

moral significance; a man with a definite, 
well-reasoned programme, to whom our 
institutions and our national life are 
living organisms; his political creed, there- 
fore, a working creed to fit present prob- 
lems and not a set of fixed formulas; 
courageous for conscience's sake and not 
from sheer love of fight; modest to the 
verge of timidity as regards his personal 
relations and fortunes and, therefore, 
handicapped in a rough race by a gentle 
hesitancy, having the modesty of a well- 
bred mind and the humor of a philosopher; 
the most convincing public speaker in 
political life, master of exact langauge 
without pedantry; not favored by those 
who for any reason wish the Government 
to be a dispenser of favors or wish it to be 
conducted by professional cliques or bosses; 
a man of stern stuff, resolute, gently bred 
and, because of his combination of force, 
dignity, and grace, in a class by himself 
among the candidates for the President ; 
so clearly right-minded and right-tempered 
that, if there were a clear-cut Presidential 
primary in all the states, he would prob- 
ably win the nomination with no second in 
the race. As Mr. Roosevelt gives the 
Republican party a chance to show its 
desperation, so Governor Wilson gives 
the Democratic party a chance to show its 
wisdom. It would be an interesting 
summer if these two — this modest man 
and this other — should be nominated. 


THE Constitution requires that the 
President be elected by a majority 
of the votes of the electoral col- 
lege. If no candidate have a majority, 
then the House of Representatives shall 
choose a President from among the three 
candidates receiving ihe highest number of 
electoral votes. "But in choosing the 
President the votes shall be taken by 
states, the representation from each stale 
having one vote." 

What would be the result of a vote in 
the I louse of Representatives, "the repre- 
sentation from each slate havin gone vote?" 
The House upon which the election would 
fall is, ni course, that now in existence. 
An inspection of iis membership reveals an 



exceedingly curious state of affairs. Voting 
by states, the House would be tied as 
between a Republican and a Democratic 

The delegations from four states, (Maine, 
Nebraska, New Mexico, and Rhode Island) 
are themselves ties. Republicans control 
the delegations of the 22 states shownon the 
left in the table following; Democrats pre- 
dominate in the delegations of the 22 states 
shown on the right of the table: 














New Hampshire 

North Dakota 



South Dakota 



















New Jersey 

New York 

North Carolina 



South Carolina 




West Virginia 

Who would become President in case 
the House of Representatives failed to 

The Constitution provides: "And if 
the House of Representatives shall not 
choose a President whenever the right of 
choice shall devolve upon them, before 
the fourth day of March next following, 
then the Vice-President shall act as 

What does that mean? That the old 
Vice-President shall go into the new term 
as Acting President? But he ceases to be 
Vice-President on the fourth of March. 
Does it mean that the Vice-President- 
elect shall become Acting President? But 
if the electors have failed to choose a 
President, they have also failed to choose 
a Vice-President. 

To meet that case, the Constitution 

authorizes the Senate to choose as Vice- 
President one of the two candid 

receiving the highest number of electoral 
votes. At present there is a small Repub- 
lican majority in the Senate, but a num- 
ber of Republican Senators are growing 
old and their majority has been substan- 
tially decreased by deaths even within 
the last year. It is quite conceivable 
that the Senate might be unable to choose 
as Vice-President one of the two candi- 
dates receiving the highest number of 
electoral votes. But, even if the Senate 
could and did elect a new Vice-President, 
would he be the person designated by the 
Constitution to "act as President?" It 
would so seem on the face of it; and yet 
there is plausible ground for holding that 
the Constitution is not clear enough to 
warrant this assumption. At least one 
eminent and famous legal authority, who 
has given the World's Work his opinion, 
believes that under the conditions sug- 
gested there would be no Vice-President 
competent to become Acting President and 
that the succession would devolve upon 
the next in line, namely the Secretary of 
State, a continuing officer whose term 
extends across the fourth of March line. 

At best, the whole subject is sur- 
rounded by grave doubts. 

This becomes of very real importance 
in view of the possibility that a split between 
the Taft and Roosevelt elements in the Re- 
publican party may lead to the raising of the 
standard of a third candidate and the throw- 
ing of the election into Congress. 


THREE days' steaming from 
Panama, the nearest important 
harbor on the Pacific Coast of 
South America, is situated what is per- 
haps the vilest, the most thoroughly 
plague-infected, the most deadly danger- 
ous port in the world — Guayaquil. For 
years it has been a threat to the health of 
the hemisphere and a deliberate insult to 
other countries who are striving to extir- 
pate disease. Deliberate, because its 
authorities refuse to move a hand to 
cleanse it. To all complaints, they retort 
cynically that Guayaquil natives do not 
suffer from the diseases that gather and 



spread from there, and they see no need 
to spend money for t lie protection of 
foreigners. It is the settled policy of 
Ecuador — than which country few others 
are more inhospitable or more backward 
- to keep the foreigner out by granting 
free license to the plagues to which natives 
have become immune. Under this policy 
the Guayas River has become a breeding 
place of yellow fever, typhoid, smallpox, 
and the bubonic plague, and although 
Ecuador's chief harbor has become in- 
creasingly shunned, there is not a city 
on the Pacific Coast that has not been in 
some degree infected from it. 

The United States has been a sore suf- 
ferer. Some of the brightest young men 
in our diplomatic and consular services 
have laid down their lives in Ecuador, a 
sacrifice to this benighted policy. A 
month or two ago, when the unspeakable 
horrors of the latest revolution were 
raging (to finish which the populace of the 
capital fell upon the revolutionary leader 
who had been their hero the day before and 
cut his body into bits which they hung 
up about the city), our Yorktown, desiring 
to do something for civilization, sailed 
up the river and, landing, helped bury the 
dead. The Yorktown s captain was one 
of her own dead, stricken of the plague 
before she put to sea and sent a radiogram 
warning the Maryland, which was hurry- 
ing over from Hawaii, on no account to 
enter the fatal harbor. 

With the opening of the Panama Canal 
the uncleanliness of Guayaquil will be an 
acute peril to wider circles. The port is 
one at which ships coming up the West 
Coast will naturally desire to stop. Steam- 
ing thence straight to Panama, the ships 
will come into contact with all the rest 
of the world. All that has been done to 
make the Canal Zone free from disease 
will have been done in vain. From the 
plague city of Guayaquil every known 
contagion will find its opportunity to 
spread about the globe. 

"Will," if permitted to. It is perfectly 
clear that Panama must be closed against 
Guayaquil, or Guayaquil must be cleaned 
up by force. The more effective means 
would be the latter. Nor is there lacking 
authority for it. A countn which refuses 

to take ordinary steps against deadly 
pestilence has forfeited its righl to count 
as a civilized nation. It is an outlaw, an 
enemy of mankind, and should be dealt 
with as such. In the interest of common 
humanity, a concert of other nations 
should clean up and police Guayaquil 
if Ecuador refuses to do it herself. 


AGAIN the country has been faintly 
startled by the Japan War scare- 
mongers, with their cry of "wolf" 
— he is getting to be a very aged, white- 
haired, decrepit, and toothless wolf. Again 
Japan is about to seize Magdalena Bay, on 
the Pacific Coast. Japan has been about 
to seize Magdalena Bay every time during 
the last three years that a big battleship 
appropriation was wanted, or that in- 
terested business corporations thought 
they could promote the idea of our annex- 
ing Mexico, or that John E. Henry, Esq., 
of New Hampshire, chief creditor of the 
Chartered Company of Lower California. 
fancied it a good time to try to frighten the 
United States Government into buying 
out an unprofitable concession around 

This last time the scare derived some 
little importance from the fact that it 
was started by United States Senator 
Lodge, who is a member of the Committee 
on Foreign Relations and who used to be 
considered a conservative and responsible 
statesman. Mr. Lodge discoursed in this 
way : 

Suppose, for example, some great Eastern 
Power should directh or indirectlj lake pos- 
session of a harbor on the west coast of Mexico 
for the purpose of making it a naval station 
and a place of arms. I am using no imagination 
in suggesting such a case. It is not very long 
since an indirect movement was begun, and it is 
apparently still on foot, to obtain possession 
for a foreign Power of Magdalena Bay, so I 
may fairly suppose that such a case might 

Now the World's Work has authority 

from a source higher than Senator Lodge 
for saying that no foreign power has evei 
been suspected of a design on Magdalena 
Bay, and that there never was, and is not 
now, the ghost of a reason for even dream- 



ing, much less uttering, such a statement 
as Senator Lodge allowed himself to make. 
The suggestion that Japan has taken any 
steps to acquire a naval base on the Pacific 
Coast of Mexico is utterly groundless, 
gratuitous, and preposterous. The only 
apparent reason for such a scare is that 
it would help the big battleship campaign, 
defeat the General Arbitration Treaties, 
and do a good turn to some New 
Englanders with a mortgage on Lower 
California land. 

In Washington, it is a favorite trick to 
try to frighten the owner of a fine house 
into buying the adjoining lot at a high 
figure on the representation that Negroes 
are bidding for it. It is very likely that 
when Mr. Knox, the Secretary of State, 
came to Washington and bought the 
Childs house, which has a vacant lot ad- 
joining it, he was beset by agents anxious 
to give him an opportunity to save him- 
self (at a high figure) from undesirable 
neighbors. In the language of a game 
with which diplomatists are, of course, 
unfamiliar, but whose principles they 
sometimes practise, Mr. Knox apparently 
did not "fall for the bluff." No more 
successful has been the similar trick' 
played by the agents of the thrifty New 
Hampshire lumberman who wants to hold 
up the United States Government for 
two millions of dollars for land which cost 
half a million and for which neithe # r the 
United States Government nor the Japan- 
ese Government has the remotest use. 

Again, St. Thomas is an unprofitable 
island in the Lesser Antilles which Den- 
mark has for years been trying to get rid 
of. The prospective opening of the 
Panama Canal offered an opportunity 
to renew the effort to dump it on us. 
The other day, an announcement was 
made from Copenhagen that six millions 
of dollars was to be spent immediately 
in improving the harbor of Charlotte 
Amalie. That was all that was necessary 
to affright Senator Lodge. He was sure 
that the work at Charlotte Amalie was 
simply preparatory to handing the island 
over to German)'. The War-with- 
Germany bugaboo has not been brought 
out as frequently of late as the War-with 
Japan bogey. Somehow the Germans 

have lost their frightfulness. But any- 
old hobgoblin will serve to terrify Mr. 
Lodge, and he instantly wants to buy 
St. Thomas: 

So long as these islands are in the market 
there is always the danger that some European 
Power may try to purchase them. This would 
be an infraction of the Monroe Doctrine and 
would at once involve the United States in a 
very serious difficulty with the European Power 
which sought the possession of the islands. 
In the interest of peace it is of great importance 
that these islands pass into the hands of the 
United States and cease to be a source of 
possible complications, which might easily 
lead to war. 

It would be folly for the Government of 
the United States to go about the hemi- 
sphere buying up every piece of land 
that somebody chooses to say is being 
bargained for by some foreign power. 
It is no less idiocy for the people of the 
United States to lose their heads every 
time real estate speculators, ship-builders, 
armor-plate makers, and suchlike enter- 
prising people trot out their silly old war 


IN THE making of Canada, there is no 
bigger or grander task to-day than the 
pushing through of the Grand Trunk 
Pacific from the Lakes to the Pacific 
Ocean. Huge valleys and plains, as great 
as the states of our own West, have been 
awakening to the song of the rail. Cities 
have sprung like magic in the midst of 
lands that yesterday were wilderness. 
Thousands of people from all the lands of 
the earth have flocked into the last great 

The task itself, in its physical aspects, 
paralleled if it did not surpass the epochal 
tasks of Huntington, Leland Stanford, 
James J. Hill, Villard, Thompson — the 
giants of our railroad history. Back of 
all the plans, in the midst of all the labor 
of this great undertaking stood, until 
yesterday, a plain American from the 
Middle West, a blunt, kind, wise, and 
service-worn veteran of the railroad game 

The plans were laid for to-morrow, as 
well as for today. To-day the rails 
push westward, the shops are at work 



on engines and cars and all ihe thousand 
.mil one tl thai go to nuke .1 new- 

railroad through a new land. To-morrow 
comes the upbuilding of a new nation in 
a new land, the long, slow process of 
bringing new people from alien lands, the 
laying of wise plans for colonization, the 
nursing of infant industries, the shaping 
of the destinies of cities — the task of 
the great administrator of a national 
railroad — second only in its greatness 
and responsibility to the creation of the 
railroad itself. 

All this and much more — knighthood, 
a place in the history of a great and 
glorious country, the consciousness of a 
man's task well done before the world 
— that was the clear and unmistakable 
destiny of C. M. Hays when he sailed 
from England on the Titanic. 

A crash in the dark; and then the task 
and its great reward passes on to other 
men. The destiny of Canada cannot be 
let or hindered: the other men will come. 
Yet one may say, in passing, that no other 
man in all that great Dominion could be 
so ill-spared at this moment in the nation's 
history as could this brave and splendid 
builder of the West. 


AMONG the 9,000,000 Negroes of 
the South only one in 4,000 is a 
physician. That can mean only 
one thing — that the bulk of the colored 
population has not enough medical at- 
tention to keep well; for most Negroes 
do not employ white doctors when they 
are ill. And it means also that, for lack 
of teachers, this race is lagging behind 
their neighbors in sanitation and in the 
simpler defenses of modern hygiene. For 
this horde of unserved and untaught people 
only seven medical schools are provided, 
of which five .are worthless, according to 
the recenl report of the ( arnegie Founda- 
tion on Medical Education in the United 
States. I he remaining two schools, how- 
ever — Howard at Washington and 
Meharrj a1 Nashville- are commended 
as "worth developiri I he\ offer in- 

struction thai equips their graduates for 
useful ^\k\ competent service. Meharry 
is open to graduates of high schools. 

Howard sets considerably higher entrance 
n quirenn n - higher, ind< ed 1 han I 
requirements of many medical schools 
for white students — and maintains a 
standard of work that has called forth the 
praise even of Dr. W illiam H. Welch and 
Dr. Henry S. Pritchett. 

The students of these schools are in 
deadly earnest. Some of them make 
astonishing sacrifices to enable them to 
continue at their work. One of them, for 
example, has said: "For many months 1 
lived on a can of pork and beans a day. 1 
would have pork with beans for breakfast, 
beans and pork for dinner, and at night I 
would wash out the can and have bean 
soup." Another student, who is now a 
successful physician in £a Northern city, 
said: " I lived on three dollars a month for 
some time before I graduated. I got 
pretty thin, but I stuck it out.'' 

The colored physicians who have come 
out of these schools have been centres of 
light and service to their race. The need 
is for opportunity greatly to increase their 
number; and it is a crying and important 


THE State of New ^ ork has put into 
force a law providing for the 
sterilization of such feeble-minded 
criminals and other defectives as are 
adjudged by a board likely to transmit 
a tendency to criminality, insanity, or 
■feeble-mindedness. Six states now have 
such a law; Indiana was first on the list. 

The Dean and the clergy of the Episco- 
pal Cathedral of Chicago have announced 
that applicants for marriage at their 
hands hereafter must present, certificates 
from a physician of repute declaring them 
to be in normal physical health. 

The idea of the responsibility of living 
men for the future character of the race 
is not twenty-five years old. The progress 
it has made is one of the astonishing facts 
of modern social history. To many men 
it has become a religion; to many more 
it appeals as the most practical field thus 
far opened for the improvement of man- 
kind and the increase of human happiness 
1 he eugenic movement is still in its 
innings, still in the stage of research. 


as yet only venturing to suggest a few holtzer, of Philadelphia, with the moral - 

mild negative steps for the eradication of and some financial -- support of the 

hereditary taints and only feeling its way Woman's Christian Temperance Union. 

toward positive measures for improve- Among the beneficial effects upon the 

ment. When it reaches the positive stage, children that are reported by teachers are 

it will meet tremendous opposition; it "weeding out the cigarette habit" in West 

proposes a social revolution. But there is Chester, Pa., "driving out the cheap candy 

surprisingly little opposition to its nega- venders" in Hartford, Conn., and "de- 

tive proposals — there is, on the contrary, veloping the power of self-denial, prudence, 

a surprisingly ready acceptance of the thrift, and economy" in Augusta, Me. 

idea that the unfit should not be per- It is going directly at the roots of our 

mitted to be fathers and mothers. most characteristic national failing — 

TCAru , xir ^u,, r^Dc-M tudict wastefulness. To teach children saving 

TEACHING CHILDREN THRIFT and thirft fa this cQUntry fa a publjc 

IN THE school banks system begun by service very worthy of the public schools, 
the late John H. Thiry in Long Island ._ ...„ rAnik . rr . AC „ rr , CTI ^ FI , ^ 
City in .885, children have saved more IF WE FARMED AS WE SHOULD 
than $5,000,000. These savings are now Ti JK R. BRADFORD KNAPP, in 
collected weekly in 1,168 schools and in |\/| charge of the Farmers' Cooperative 
almost every state in the Union and in 1 Y A Demonstration Work of the 
Alaska, Porto Rico, and Canada. In United States Department of Agriculture, 
Long Island City the pupils of 21 schools has just issued the crop records made 
have now on deposit $23,079; and during by the farmers who have followed the 
the last 27 years they have deposited al- directions of his demonstrators in the 
together more than $288,000. Pupils of planting and cultivation of their cotton 
40 schools in Toledo, O., have deposited and corn. Side by side with these records 
more than $250,000 in twelve years, and he prints the records of the ordinary rule- 
pupils of 61 schools in Kansas City have of-thumb farmers as shown by the figures 
deposited $194,000 in the same period, of the Bureau of Statistics. The wonder- 
In San Francisco the system was estab- ful results of well-planned agriculture 
lished in August, 191 1, and is now in 90 could not be better illustrated than by 
school houses. There are 44,915 scholars such tables as these: 
on the registers; 4,412 of them deposited H0W COT TON SHOULD BE GROWN 
$31,146; $639 of this has been with- , 


drawn, and $30,507 remained in the FOR i 9 n 

Bank of Italy to the credit of 4,412 scholars under under 


uecemoer j,otn. methods cultivation 

The method of collecting the savings is J^f?" *?49 5?6 

, ^ »« j 1 Oklahoma 628 504 

simple. Every Monday morning the Louisiana 1063 522 

teacher calls the roll for the collection of Arkansas 946 558 

the money, records the amounts received, SSSS.'.'.'.'.'.".'."-'.".'.".'.'.'" ".■■.■. 1^5 5U 

and later deposits it in a bank to the credit Alabama 1442 609 

of the several children. Fifteen minutes Florida 840 384 

a week is the average amount of time re- So^tT Carolina.' .' .' ! '.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.' '.'.'.'.\\(% H] 

quired for these operations. The record North Carolina 1591 861 

cards upon which the sums collected are Virginia....... _ ..1414 912 

, -iii , <■ Average for Slates Represented.. 1081 O42 

entered are copyrighted, but the use of Average for the United states. .. . 624 

the copyright is granted free and the copy- 
right is kept alive only as a means to These tables deal only with the twelve 

secure yearly reports from the schools Southern states to which Mr. Knapp's 

that are collecting savings. work is restricted; therefore it is all the 

Mr. Thiry died last year, and the general more striking to note that the average 

direction of the work that he began is now yield of corn under demonstration methods 

in the hands of Mrs. Sara Louisa Ober- is more than the average yield for the 

136 Mil. WORLD'S WORK 

United States, (23.9 bushels,) in which the sideration. It is what caused me to leave the 

high averages of the "corn belt" tati farm in the first instance, is what makes my 

are figured" w, ^ e anc * me dissatisfied now, and is the one 

great fundamental reason that is still driving 

HOW CORN SHOULD BE GROWN the young folks to the city and that will con- 

avi-kagh yields (bushels per acre) in 1911 tinue to do so until it is eliminated. One word 

under under tells it — Drudgery. And this means "hard 

DEM me™o A d?° N cZut« work for insufficient remuneration." 

Texas 22.3 9.5 

Oklahoma 13.0 0.5 Drudgery can be — and even in mam 

A^kinsa n s a : . . . . \ '. \ . tl ^8 m ° dern farmS StU1 is ~ a Iar § e share ° f 

rennessee 46.6 26.8 country life. But that farm life of neces- 

Mississippi 32.4 19.0 s j ty means drudgery — no. Drudgery is 

Alabama 46.3 18.0 . J b •> to ■> 

Florida 30.9 14.6 m great measure the quality of the man 

Georgia 39.2 16.0 rather than of the job. It is like the sal- 

Saafc-.".::".::".:5:i &; "*" ° f u the *>ul dependent on the in- 

Virginia 41.9 24.0 dividual himself. As certain women find 

Average for States Represented .33.2 158 ordinary housework unbearable, so certain 

men find any sort of continuous hard work 
The averages under demonstration drudgery. The use of labor saving de- 
methods were obtained from the reports vices on the farm and in the home> es „ 
of the production of 109,999 acres of pe cially the country home, convenient 
cotton and of 66,880 acres of corn. The sources of power— steam, water, gases, 
cash value of the increase above the state and electricity — cheap appliances for 
average on these acres of cotton was maintaining sanitation, improved methods 
$1,643,097, and on these acres of corn was of constructing and furnishing buildings 
3836,597. When all farmers practice __ a n these can re duce the monotonous 
demonstration methods on all acres, tens phases of farm j abor t0 an inappreciable 
of millions of dollars will be added an- minimum. 

nually to the wealth of the country and ls there rea n y harder work on the farm 

will bring their measure of added happi- than in any other business? A farm man- 

ness and security to country living. aged on good principles need not take more 

ABOUT DRUDGERY tnan ten nours °f w °rk a day. For the 

right man — the real farmer — ten hours 

ALFTTER brings this complaint: f plowing, harvesting, animal feeding, and 

In all this back-to-the farm dis- the many diverse tasks are less onerous 

cussion the man who has tried it is than eignt hours spent at a desk or a 

not represented. Why is this? Is he counter. In how many successful busi- 

., named to speak? Or is he ignored?" ness enterprises, moreover, is the owners 

I he writer then outlines his own ex- work dav limited to the eight hours he 

per.ences:hewas born and brought up on spends at his desk? Naturally the man 

the farm, but grew tired of it. and moved who en j oys or at , east « does not mind >• 

to the city where for fourteen years he this sort of occupation in the dimly or 

practised a trade with excellent success, artificially lighted room of a city building, 

Once more the thought ol the country should not i ook toward the farm for the 

appealed to him. and in partnership with , uppv | lte he cannot find elsewhere. 

his brother he purchased a farm on which As to remuneration, we imagine that 

for six years he has been, he says, as our correspondent has in his case considered 

rich in suae-, neighbors, conveniences, oruy f, na ncial returns, which are not and 

and facilities as he could desire. "And probably never will be the chief attraction 

yet, he continues, "we do not like it. f the farm. In the farm we have both a 

m\ wife and I. business and a home combined, wherein 

And here comes the point that all you fellows tllc growth of one means the growth of 

who are writing aboul back-to-the-land are the other, where the results of one's efforts 

missing altogether *>\ nol giving proper con accumulate toward the improvement of 


one's own possessions. There is indepen- his family were awarded fair damages, 

dence in spite of the necessity for close, the lawyers' fees and expenses took most 

continuous application; there are no sub- of it. If the injured men or their families 

way trips, crowded cars, small flats, and could not make a living, the community 

dark, stuffy rooms to balance the lack of had to take care of them. The industry 

"next door neighbors, "smooth pavements, in which the injury occurred did not bear 

and such conveniences as are still peculiar the loss. 

to the city. There are means whereby In building modern skyscrapers one 
men who love farming do lessen, if not man to a floor is killed, on the average, 
eliminate, the drudgery of farm life; and Yet this is not figured in the cost of con- 
there are generous rewards awaiting their struction. It should be or the cost of 
sincere work, intelligent study, and careful prevention should be. In the last ten 
management. years 30,000 miners have been killed in the 
But the man who is looking for the com- United States. This loss should right- 
plete elimination of drudgery need not fully be charged against the coal industry, 
look to a farm. He will find drudgery A good many American industries have 
there. Nor need he look to any town not appeared in their true light on the 
occupation either. He will find drudgery national ledger. They have not paid for 
there too. The only place where he will the human breakage which they have 
not find it is the grave. caused on the one hand and they have 

»mnrnxu7iMr . r . m rMT. a *\rc received tariff subsidies and bonuses on 

MODERNIZING ACCIDENT LAWS the other _ both at the public expense< 

WHEN war, revolution, wrecks, Of course, when an employers' liability 

and floods are doing their worst law forces an industry to pay for its human 

against human life it is well breakage, the public in turn pays the 

to tell of the great progress that has industry. In the long run the public pays 

been made in stopping the wounds and the bill anyway, but it is well to have the 

deaths that occur in industry. books kept straight and to know what 

Eighteen months ago, on January 1, each industry does cost. 

191 1, there were three states which had And when this is done there will be less 

passed employers' liability laws. The to pay. Where the law forces an employer 

New York law was held to be unconsti- to pay his injured workmen compensation 

tutional, but the laws of Maryland and for their injuries, there is a great incentive 

Montana are still in force. In these eight- for the use of safety appliances and for 

een months ten other states have passed care in supervision and management. In 

employers' liability laws. California, 111- the long run that means that there will be 

inois, Kansas, Nevada, New Hampshire, less human breakage and less of the long 

New Jersey, Ohio, Washington, and Wis- line of social evils which follow in its train, 

consin all have such laws in operation and Among the manufacturers several of 

in a month the Massachusetts law will the more far seeing had already adopted 

go into effect. Besides these, ten other workingmen's compensation schemes be- 

states have commissions investigating the fore the law made it mandatory, for it 

subject preparatory to enacting legislation, protects them from blackmail suits and 

Suddenly across the whole country has lets them know more nearly exactly how 

swept a fundamental change in our atti- much outlay they may reasonably expect 

tude toward industry. For generations, to have to make to cover damages, 

backed by the English common law, it has To the injured workman it means, of 

been held that workmen assumed the course, a certainty of compensation where- 

risks of their work when they went into as, before, his chances of getting a judg- 

it and unless they could prove carelessness ment were small and his share of the judg- 

on the part of their employer they could ment was likely to be smaller, 

not recover damages for accidents. As It is a very great advance toward a more 

a matter of fact, in most cases that were humane and a more economic view of 

taken into court, even if the worker or industry. 




THE following remarkable letter was 
signed by every passenger but 
five that returned to New York 
in April from a 20,000-mile pleasure cruise 
on which they did not once see a mer- 
chant vessel flying the American flag. It 
is a strikingr eminder of a national disgrace 
that may some day become a national 

Wc, citizens of the United States, passengers 
on the steamship Bluecher to the number of 
101, have now sailed together from New York 
around South America and return, covering 
some twenty thousand miles. We have visited 
many foreign ports, including Buenos Aires, 
with a commerce second only to New York in 
the Western Hemisphere, Rio de Janeiro, the 
beautiful, Montevideo, Valparaiso, Santos — 
all great and to be greater. 

But at all places and at all times we have 
looked in vain for a merchant steam vessel 
carrying the flag of the United States. What 
is the reason? It appears to be the provisions 
of our laws, which prevent the acquisition of 
foreign-built vessels for American registry in 
foreign trade. This law, enacted for the up- 
building of American shipyards, has not re- 
sulted in the building of American ships for 
foreign trade. The cost of American-built 
ships, in comparison with those of foreign 
build, is prohibitive. They have not been 
built, and in consequence our flag has prac- 
tically disappeared from the high seas. 

Nothing is more conducive to acquaintance 
between nations and intercourse and friendship 
between their citizens, than the constant sight 
of their respective (lags. 

Most of the Latin American people (and there 
are 50,000,000 of them) are friendly. They are 
eager to deal with us; but we persist in remain- 
ing strangers. At present, to reaeli New York 
comfortably, an Argentinian usually goes to 
Genoa or I iverpool. Naturally, he rarely con- 
tinues to New York. London and Paris, 
England and France, his acquaintances and 
friends, supply all wan' 

This is the message we would convey to our 
friends and especially to those who shape the 
poIi( ies ol "in country: 

Remove this prohibition upon the American 
{ration of foreign-built ships for foreign trade. 

! el us buy cheap ships abroad, lei them be 
officered by American citizens, and let them 
carrj our flag to the people who want to see us, 
and who are read) and eager to know and trade 

with us. By this simple process, since they 
do not build ships for foreign trade, we shall 
add to our merchant marine and our foreign 
and domestic trade; we shall lay the foundation 
of a naval organisation of the greatest value in 
case of war with a foreign nation; and wc shall 
establish a real bond between the Americas 
of the Western Hemisphere that will be of vast, 
mutual, and permanent benefit. 

The early opening of the Panama Canal 
makes this subject of transcendent importance 
at this time. 

On board S. S. Bluecher, April, 1912. 

This is also the testimony of every 
American who travels abroad in any part 
of the earth — that the loneliest places for 
a citizen of the United States are the seas 
and the ports of the world, where our flag 
rarely flies. 


A CHINAMAN in any of the Ger- 
man concessions in China may buy 
goods by mail from Berlin and 
receive them by parcels post by way of 
Siberia — an eleven pound package sent 
halfway round the world for 78 cents. 

A Philippine merchant in Manila, who 
lives under our own jurisdiction — may 
send an eleven pound package to Hong- 
Kong, the great market place of the 
East, for $1.47. 

An American farmer in Canada may 
send packages almost anywhere in the 
world — to the Fiji Islands, for instance — 
for twelve cents a pound. The particular 
place to which he cannot send a large pack- 
age so cheaply and from which he can not 
receive such a package by parcels post is 
his native land, the United States of 

I he real reasons are well-known and 
have long been known. The excuses, 
such as "the mailorder bugaboo," are 
fast becoming understood; and the people 
are waking up to the fact that in such a 
convenience of civilization the alliance 
between politics and business has kept us 
far behind the rest of the world. The 
Chinaman, the Filipino, the South 
African has a kind of service that wc. with 
all our genius for organization, are yet 




tional Tribune, the chief organ 
of the pension grafters, is dis- 
tressed because a man who attained the 
rank of Brigadier-General in the Civil War 
has dared to sign his name to articles con- 
cerning pension frauds — or, as the 
National Tribune puts it, has "hired him- 
self out to the World's Work" as a 
defamer of Union veterans. 

It seems, according to the National 
Tribune's correspondent, that this maga- 
zine, in its search for slanders and libels 
against Union veterans and vituperative 
talent willing to defame them, conducted 
a long, arduous search in vain until at last 
it discovered Mr. Charles Francis Adams, 
and by the offer of large sums of money 
induced him to become its "hireling" and 
to lend his name to our vile campaign. 

It is a pity to spoil an affecting story 
with the mere fact that Mr. Charles Francis 
Adams received no pay for his World's 
Work articles — declined to accept any. 
There was no reason in the mind of the 
editor of this magazine why Mr. Adams 
should not accept pay for them, as every 
writer does for his work. But Mr. 
Adams's notion of his relation to the 
pension question and to the veterans (of 
whom his three years' service had made him 
one) was so nice that he was unwilling to 
lay himself open even to the suspicion of 
mercenary motives. He wrote out of a 
sense of public duty, but he was unwilling 
to profit a penny by a task so sad. His 
only stipulation was that his articles should 
be put in pamphlet form and distributed 
to members of Congress, press representa- 
tives in Washington, and a few other 
people whose knowledge of the real facts 
about our pension abuses might help toward 
eliminating them. It is amazing that 
even a correspondent of the National 
Tribune should know his war history and 
his countrys' history so ill as not to know 
Mr. Adams's career. 

With regard to Mr. Adams's military 
record, if it were necessary to defend it, 
nothing could more conclusively show 
the injustice of the aspersions which the 

ignorant have cast upon it than the letter 
by Mr. Adams, replying to these insin- 
uations, put into the Congressional Record 
by Senator Lodge. No shadow of blame 
lies, or can lie, upon the career of this 
Massachusetts officer, whose only offence 
is that he refuses to join the army of 

It is gratifying to record that the neces- 
sity for pension reform is being considered 
by thoughtful people all over the country. 
The proof of its need is overwhelming and 
the temper of the country is rapidly be- 
coming such that the politicians can no 
longer resist it. 


ALONG the Mississippi River in 
Arkansas, Louisiana, and Mis- 
sissippi, 70,000 people were fed 
daily under the direction of United States 
army officers while the river floods de- 
stroyed their fields, washed away their 
roads and bridges, and in many places 
invaded their homes. The army engi- 
neers had hundreds and hundreds of men 
working on the levees, yet in spots the 
river managed to break through. One 
break at Beulah, Miss., flooded more than 
a dozen towns. The loss entailed is many 
millions in dollars and much more than that 
in civilization; for permanent improve- 
ments do not flourish where they are 
threatened by the anger of the great river. 
Its very much more thorough control is a 
great national problem. 

If you could call up the dead and the 
living politicians who provided for our 
public works with picayune projects 
obtained for local benefit by log-rolling 
methods, and if you could show them the 
incalculable devastation made by the 
overflow of the Mississippi River and its 
tributaries, and if you could lay the 
blame precisely where it belongs on these 
dead and living mongers of theories and 
patronage — what chance for salvation 
would they have? 

The overflow of these rivers will con- 
tinue, the loss of life and property will 
come again and will increase, the fertility 
of the great granary of the continent will 
continue to be deposited in the Gulf of 



Mexico, the mighty river will continue to The money that has been wasted in 
be an ungovernable monster instead of a river and harbor and public building pro- 
beneficent force, till we rise to the plane jects during the last half century would 
of practical statesmanship and spend save our vast mid-continental wealth that 
money to prevent it — by a wise and is now washed away and bring a new in- 
systematic plan. dustrial era in the lower Mississippi states. 


THE heroism shown when the 
Titanic went down has be- 
come a precious part of his- 
tory — unselfish acts of cour- 
teous self-sacrifice which show 
that modern civilization has not weak- 
ened the fibre of our race. 

Take, for example, the conduct of 
Colonel Archibald Grade, of Washington, 
who was a passenger. He worked during 
the whole period of filling the lifeboats, 
helping women aboard them. And the 
simple, modest story that he told is of a 
piece with his conduct. It follows: 

I jumped with the wave, just as I often 
have jumped with the breakers at the seashore. 
By great good fortune I managed to grasp the 
i»x>n railing on the bridge deck, and I hung on 
by might and main. When the ship plunged 
down I was forced to let go, and I was swirled 
around and around for what seemed to be an 
interminable time. 

After sinking with the ship, it appeared to me 
as if I was propelled by some great force 
through the water. It might have been oc- 
casioned by an explosion under the water. I 
recall I was fearful most about being boiled 
to death. A similar feeling was described to 
me by the second officer, who had nearly the 
same experience. Innumerable thoughts of a 
personal nature passed through my brain. 1 
thoughl ol those al home as if my spirit might 
go .to them and say good-bye forever. 

1 prayed for deliverance, though Mire my last 
hour had come. Meantime I was striking out 
with all my strength, swimming under water. 
Reaching the surface, no ship was in sight, but 
there was a large field of wreckage and hun- 
dreds of people struggling. 

The sights 1 saw and particularly the sounds 
I heard were heart-rending and horrible beyond 

description. Dante's Inferno was no worse. 
\ gurgle and a groan some poor fellow had 
gone to his death. A crv for help and a moan 
— another had gone. A prayer CUl short by 

strangulation — another had gone. The cries 
and the moans and the strangling and gasping 
of the drowning were the most horrible sounds 
that man ever heard. 

Luckily, 1 was unhurt, and, casting about, 
managed to seize a wooden crate floating near 
by. When I had recovered my breath, I dis- 
covered an upset collapsible boat, struck out for 
it, and caught hold of the arm of a member of 
the crew and pulled myself aboard. We then 
began the work of rescuing those who had 
jumped into the sea and were floundering in the 

After more men had been got on the boat 
than safety permitted, several unfortunates, 
benumbed and half-dead, besought us to save 
them, and one or two made an effort to reach us; 
but the craft was so full that it seemed she would 
sink beneath the sea, and for self-preservation 
the crew had to decline to take any more 
people aboard. 

This was the most pathetic and horrible of 
scenes, with the air all round us rent with 
screams which the survivors will not forget to 
their dying days. 

"Hold on to what you have, old boy!" one 
of the crew would cry. "One more of you 
aboard would sink us all." 

"Good luck, and God bless you," was the 
magnificent reply of some unknown hero. 

All the time we were buoyed up by the hope 
of rescue. We saw lights in several directions. 
but particularly in front, where a green light 
shone and rockets were tired from what after 
all was only one of the Titanic s lifeboats. 

So we passed the night, with the water 
washing over us up to our waists. 

When dawn broke there were thirty of us 
on the upturned canvas boat standing in the icy 
water and afraid to move lest the cranky craft 
he o\ erturned. 

How we did pray for the coming of day, and 
some of tin- men of this rough crew thought ot 
and all of us repeated over and over the 
I nrd's Prayer. Before the break of day 
most of us were standing on our feet, balancing 
ourselves and in columns of twos, fearful all 



the while lest a sudden lurch might overturn 
the boat and the air beneath it might escape. 
The slightest wind would have caused our 

We saw the lights of the Carpathia in the 
distance. We knew it to be she from our 
Marconi man, who happened to be with us. 

Word was passed that there was also a ship 
astern, and the second officer bade us all be 
still while he looked, for the slipping of one 
man meant death for all. 

But when day broke, four of the Titanic s 
lifeboats appeared on our starboard side and the 
second officer's whistle called attention to our 
precarious condition, and the head lifeboat 
towing another came to our rescue. 

Then followed a dangerous but successful 
transfer. The second officer, waiting till the 
last, helped to lift the corpse of one of 
the crew from the upset boat. 

Our boat, however, now had more than its 
complement, sixty-five persons. Fortunately, 
the Carpathia was not a great distance away; 
otherwise, so officers of the Carpathia said, we 
would have sunk when a moderate blow came 
up one hour later. 

We all suffered from cold. It seemed an 
interminable time before we reached the Car- 
pathia, where all were ready for us with first 
aid to the injured and warm drinks to restore 
us. Nothing can exceed the kindness we re- 
ceived at the hands of the ministering angels 
who welcomed us on board the Carpathia. 

Such was my personal experience, relating 
only what I myself saw and what 1 did. I have 
nothing but praise for all concerned. 

I cannot say what happened elsewhere on the 
Titanic, but during the whole desperate ex- 
perience within my range of vision not a woman 
whimpered and not a man flinched. It was all 
heroically done. 

The conduct of Col. John Jacob Astor was 
deserving of the highest praise. He devoted 
all his energy to saving his young bride. He 
helped us in our efforts to get her into the boat; 
I lifted her in, and as she took her place Colonel 
Astor requested permission of the second 
officer to go with her for her own protection. 

"No, sir," replied the officer, "not a man 
shall go on a boat until the women are all off." 

Colonel Astor then inquired the number of the 
boat, which was being lowered away, and turned 
to the work of clearing the other boats and 
in reassuring the frightened and nervous 

By this time the ship began to list frightfully 
to port. This became so dangerous that the 
second officer ordered every one to rush to 
starboard. This we did, and we found the 

crew trying to get a boat off in that quarter. 
Here I saw the last of John B. Thayer and 
George Widener, of Philadelphia. 

Charles M. Hays, President of the Grand 
Trunk Railroad, said to his wife and she re- 
lated it to me : "The White Star, the Cunard, 
and the Hamburg-American lines are devoting 
their attention and ingenuity to vying one with 
the other to attain the supremacy in luxurious 
ships and in making speed records. The time 
will soon come when this will be checked by 
some appalling disaster." 

Poor fellow, little he thought that he would 
be sealing this prophecy with his life a few 
hours later! 

I want to say that too much praise cannot be 
given to Second Officer Lightoller. During all 
the time from the striking of the Titanic on the 
iceberg until we reached port on the Carpathia, 
he showed himself to be an able officer, a thor- 
ough seaman, knowing how to maintain order 
and discipline under any circumstances, and as 
brave and thoughtful a man as I have ever seen. 
Lightoller is a man in all the word implies. 

All the tales of heroism on board that doomed 
steamer will never be told. I have heard no 
mention made of James Clinch Smith, of Smith- 
ville, L. I., who was one of the heroes of the 
disaster. He was a member of the Union Club, 
and a friend of mine, and when the women and 
children were being placed in the lifeboats, he 
was there, helping with the work, as calmly as 
if he were safe ashore. 

The same manly qualities were shown 
by other men, most of whom perished. 
For instance, as the Titanic was sinking, a 
woman passenger asked one of the stewards 
why he did not put on a life preserver. " I 
don't think there will be enough to go 
around, ma'am," was his reply. 

This was typical of many deeds of 
chivalry and self-sacrifice and devotion 
that were done that night. When it was 
first known that the ship might possibly 
go down, Captain Smith ordered out the 
band. They assembled on deck in perfect 
order and struck up the liveliest tunes 
they knew — "Turkey in the Straw" and 
"Alexander's Ragtime Band" and other 
heartening pieces — played on while 
others were saved or saved themselves, 
until, the lights extinguished and the life- 
boats gone, the water swirling at their 
knees, they turned into the strains of 
" Nearer My God to Thee" and went down 
with their ship, still playing. 


The passengers, without the habits of her position on the sea, worked in water 

ship discipline, showed self-control and up to his knees while Bride strapped his 

courage just as striking. Young Washing- life preserver over his shoulders, worked 

ton Roebling, grandson of the builder of on after the Captain had said, " Boys, you 

the Brooklyn Bridge, escorted three women have done your full duty. You can do no 

to a lifeboat and helped them in, wishing more. Look out for yourselves," worked 

them a pleasant voyage and waving a while a cowardly stoker tried to steal his 

smiling good-bye; then, stepping back into life preserver from him as he stood at his 

the crowd of men, he lit a cigarette and instrument, worked until no sputtering 

stood waiting for the end. Benjamin flashes answered the pressure of the key, 

Guggenheim dressed himself carefully and, and then, knowing that there was no more 

detaining a room steward for a moment, he could do, he made for the deck, only 

gave the man his wife's address and this to die of exposure after he had been picked 

message for her: 'Tell her I played the up from the wash of the sea. 

game straight out and to the end. No On deck among the passengers, deeds 

woman shall be left aboard this ship be- were done of equal heroism. Major 

cause Ben Guggenheim was a coward. Archibald Butt, aide to President Taft, 

Tell her that my last thoughts will be of handed woman after woman into the life- 

her and our girls, but that my duty now boats, lifting his hat to each as he left 

is to these unfortunate women and children her, with a cheering word of good-bve. 

on this ship. Tell her I will meet what- Henry B. Harris, the theatrical manager, 

ever fate is in store for me, knowing she heard an officer calling out, "Women and 

will approve of what I do." children first." "That's right!" he called 

Perhaps as striking an evidence as was out heartily. Then, turning to his wife, 

ever given of the disciplinary effect of he kissed her and said, "Good-bye, my 

civilization upon human habits was the dear. I must take my medicine with the 

little drama enacted in one of the first rest." He handed her to a boat and the 

lifeboats to put off from the Titanic 's last she saw of him he was waving her 

side. No officer was aboard, and an argu- farewell. 

ment arose among the passengers over One of the boats was loaded one pas- 

what they should do next. After a few senger beyond its capacity, and the officers 

moments all hands agreed that they should called for some one to step back upon the 

elect one of their number captain and ship. Miss Elizabeth Evans of New York 

obex his orders. The choice fell on a turned to the woman sitting next to her. 

stoker, who was steering the boat, and he Mrs. J. J. Brown of Denver, and said: 

remained in command until the party was 'You have children that need you, I have 

rescued by the Carpatbia. Here was an none: I will go back." And she stepped 

example of the spontaneous generation of on the deck from the boat and was lost 

a government under the pressure of a when the ship went down, 

i < mimon danger. Mrs. lsidor Straus of New York had 

While this was going on a mile from the been safely stowed in a boat when she 

Titanic, two men stuck to their post in the called to her maid to take her place and 

wireless room, J. G. Phillips and his rushed back to the deck where her husband 

assistant. I larold Bride. They had joked stood. She resisted all efforts to put her 

with one another about the absurdity of aboard again. Clinging to him she cried 

calling for aid for such a ship as this — out. "We have lived together a good mam 

joked as Phillips senl the "C. Q. D.," years. I am not going to leave you now." 

and laughed aloud when Bride called out, I he\ were last seen arm in arm, watching 

"Send 'S. O. S.' IPs the new call and it the lifeboats pull away, 

may he youi last chance to send it." The meat tragedy on the night of April 

Later, when they knew thai hope was 14th. when i,(ms men and women perished 

gone, Phillips worked on steadily, an- and only 705 were saved, seems likely to 

nouncing to the ships thai he could reach bring a new epoch in ocean travel. 

just how low the Titanic la) and repeating Ship owners and ship builders had for 


a generation shown keen rivalry in speed (2) Lifeboats of improved pattern and 

and in luxury. They had likewise worked equipment and plenty of them must be 

ceaselessly upon improved designs and carried. 

safety appliances — bulkhead construe- The rules about reduced speed and 

tion, submarine signals, wireless, etc. — greater care in berg-infested waters or in 

until they had persuaded themselves and fog will have an added impetus to strict 

the public that the modern ocean liner enforcement. Perhaps, too, it would add 

was practically unsinkable. an element of safety if the liners crossed 

The public accepted this confidence and the ocean in pairs. 

very few ships carried lifeboats enough The companies have already taken steps 

to take off more than half the passengers toward changing the trans-Atlantic course 

and crew. and adding to the lifeboat complement of 

The lessons which the terrible loss of the steamers. The public demands these 

life on the Titanic teaches are these: improvements and probably laws pre- 

(1) During the period of danger from scribing them will be passed both here and 

icebergs ships should not take the ocean in England. A disaster that shocked the 

course where they are likely to be en- whole civilized world was necessary to 

countered. awaken us from a false sense of security. 


THIS is a story for the investor affairs were all mixed up with the financial 
in the stocks and bonds of affairs of the parent manufacturing corn- 
public utility corporations. pany and no clear account was kept be- 
Some years ago, two young tween the two concerns. This friend sug- 
men, brothers, started a man- gested that they issue $200,000 of 6 per 
ufacturing plant in a small town in the cent, bonds on the little power and light 
West. The plant grew and was successful, company and to sell them to the public 
The town also progressed slowly so that at at 100. 

the present time it has about 9,000 people. They discovered, in the process of doing 
Three years ago the brothers, having this, that if the power company charged 
reached a point in their development the manufacturing company a fair rate 
where they needed more power, built a for its power the result would show earn- 
small water power plant on a stream over ings for the power company not quite 
which they had control. When it was sufficient to pay the 6 per cent, interest 
finished they had more power than they on the bonds, or $12,000 a year net. 
needed and, to utilize it, they found a small Therefore, it was necessary to put the 
commercial demand in the town for power charges for power up. 
and light; and it is upon this element in After a while, a small broker in a Middle 
the situation that the story turns. Western city was found who agreed to sell 
Their power plant had cost them about these 6 per cent, bonds to the public on 
$100,000. They obtained a franchise for commission, the commission being 10 per 
it as a separate company, put all the stock cent. Thus, fo. every $1,000 bond which 
of this new company in the treasury of the the broker could sell at par he was to 
old manufacturing company, and sold receive $100. He asked for and re- 
what power and light they could as a by- ceived a statement of earnings. This 
product of their business. statement showed that the power corn- 
About a year ago somebody told them pany with its new schedule of charges 
that they were wasting a first class oppor- earned in the previous year $44,000, gross ; 
tunity. The power company was not that it cost $8,000 to operate; and that its 
making much money, because its financial net earnings were $36,000, or exactly three 

i 4 4 


times the interest charges. What the 
broker did not learn, perhaps because he 
did not ask enough questions and perhaps 
because he did not want to know it, was 
that, in order to make this showing, the 
power company had charged to the manu- 
facturing company, its biggest customer, 
nearly four times a fair and normal rate 
for the power that it used. 

The broker's circular emphasized, of 
course, the apparently very strong posi- 
tion of the power company, in that it was 
earning three times its interest charges and 
that the relationship between it and its 
biggest customer was a very close and 
friendly relationship. The circular failed 
to say anything at all about rates, or what 
proportion of the total earnings came from 
this single big customer. It also failed 
to say that the company is now paying 
dividends on its common stock and that 
these dividends use up practically every 
dollar of earnings that the company makes 
above its interest charges. In other words, 
the money that is paid by the manufac- 
turing company for its power comes back 
to it in the form of dividends — that is, 
all of it that is not necessary to pay the 
interest charges. 

These bonds have been sold to investors, 
and these people are under the impression 
that they own a solid and substantial 
security based on a property that is really 
earning three times as much as is needed 
to pay the interest and that is in a highly 
prosperous condition. I believe that the 
broker responsible for the sale of the bonds 
is perfectly honest but does not know any 
of the really vital facts about the securities 
he is handling. 

This story is told here to illustrate the 
extreme foolishness of buying securities 
that represent little business ventures 
w Inch, before the) are offered to the public, 
have not been thoroughly investigated 
b\ somebody that is competent to form a 
judgmenl based upon a full knowledge of 
all the fundamental facts. It is the easiesl 
thing in the world for any business man 
to juggle figures of earnings and expense 
between the various departments of his 
business; -\nd in the case cited the power 
companj whose bonds were offered to the 
public as a conservative investment was to 

all intents and purposes a department of 
the manufacturing company. 

A dozen other illustrations, on a much 
larger scale, could be adduced to illustrate 
the same kind of financing and book- 
keeping. 1 know of a Western railroad. 
a small, local affair. Three quarters of 
its tonnage is lumber. The people who 
own it also own all the mills but one that 
cut this lumber; and the stock of the 
lumber company, as well as the stock of the 
railroad, is owned by three men. An 
investor asked me to look into the bonds 
of the railroad as a possibility for a con- 
servative investment. 

The earnings showed remarkable results. 
The proportion of expenses to gross earn- 
ings was exceedingly small for a lumber 
road. It seemed that the explanation of 
this strange phenomenon ought to lie in 
the rates charged by the railroad for earn- 
ing the lumber. The bankers who were 
selling the bonds professed ignorance of 
what these rates were and I never did find 
out even approximately what they are. 
Enough information came to light, how- 
ever, to point to the conclusion that the 
railroad practically charges whatever rates 
are necessary to show a handsome surplus 
over the interest on its bonds. 

This is exactly the same thing that is 
illustrated in the case of the power com- 
pany in the early part of this story. It is 
the same kind of fiction that used to be 
so common in railroad and industrial 
financing of the larger class. In the big 
companies it usually manifests itself in the 
shape of a great big "surplus" which 
looked exceedingly good in the statement 
of earnings but which, when you came to 
look into it, was frequently found to con- 
sist mostly of bookkeeping items rather 
than of anything that had real value. 

If you take up, by chance, a circular 
issued by some strong, conservative bond 
house describing an issue of bonds offered 
for sale, you usually discover some place 
in the circular a reference to an "engineer's 
report," giving the name of the engineers 
who have examined the property for the 
banker and filed with the banker a com- 
plete report on all the physical aspects of 
the bond issue, including rates, franchises, 
real estate holdings, and all the other 



fundamental physical things. You will 
also find a statement that some prominent 
legal firm has looked into all the legal 
matters in connection with the issue and 
that some bookkeeping experts, either rep- 
resenting the banking house directly or 
acting in their interest, has audited the 
books of the company and reported upon 
the financing. 

These are essential steps in the buying 
of any securities by a banking house that 
intends to offer them to the public. The 
investor has a right to know, before he buys 
any securities, that all the physical, finan- 
cial, and legal investigations have been 
made by competent people. If such an 
examination had been made, that $200,000 
of unsound bonds would not now be afloat 
in the hands of the public in a Middle 
Western city and its surrounding country. 
No reputable banking house or dealer 
would have handled these bonds if he had 
known the circumstances; and the cir- 
cumstances would have been perfectly 
transparent under any reasonable investi- 

It is well, at this time when the bonds of 
relatively new electric fight, street rail- 
way, power, and other public utility com- 
panies are rapidly becoming a standard 
form of investment security for income in 
this country, to emphasize these simple 
and straightforward safeguards that ought 
not to be overlooked in the purchase of 
such securities. It is perfectly obvious 
that here and there, amongst these securi- 
ties that are now offered to the public, 
there will be some that will not stand the 
test of time. That is true in every class 
of investment. It is simple common sense 
that the investor has the right to insist 
upon such information as will enable him 
to come to the conclusion at least that the 
bonds or stocks that he is buying have 
passed through a careful and painstaking 
process of investigation, appraisal, and 
expert judgment before they are offered 
to him as an investment. 

In dealing with a whole class of securi- 
ties, one can only generalize, blazing trees, 
as it were, to serve as a sort of guide to the 
passing traveler. Thus, in handling as a 
class the public utility bonds and stocks 
that have become so popular a form of 

investment, it is only possible to lay down 
a few simple rules; and even to these rules 
there will be exceptions. 

A company of this sort ought not to be 
dependent upon one industry or upon one 
group of industries. A power company 
that sells all its power to half a dozen new 
mines in a new mining camp is little better 
than a mining venture; and a company all 
of whose power is used under contract by 
a group of cotton mills in the South cannot 
be much more solid than the cotton mill 
industry in that region. 

A trolley company that made nearly all 
its money in traffic to and from a big 
manufacturing plant found itself in serious 
trouble a couple of years ago when that 
plant was destroyed by fire and rebuilt in 
another city. I think it safe to say that 
in the public utility field physical defects 
of this sort are much more likely to creep 
in and to pass unnoticed by the investor 
than in a railroad or even an established 
industrial concern that is manufacturing 
the necessities of life. 

Most critics, after this question of phy- 
sical defect, lay emphasis upon the ques- 
tion of franchises. It is the lesson of 
experience that companies whose franchises 
are very short, or bonds that extend be- 
yond the life of the main franchises of a 
system, are unsound. Therefore, it is as 
well at least to look at the dates upon 
which these principal franchises mature. 

The question of the rates collected is an 
extremely vital one, and one upon which, 
unfortunately, many bankers lay no em- 
phasis whatever. The average bond 
salesman, when asked what rates are 
charged by a gas company, an electrical 
company, or a street railway company, 
finds himself totally at a loss to reply. 
Most circulars are dumb upon this subject. 
The reason, of course, is that long and 
unwieldy schedules of graded rates are 
necessary really to cover the rate question. 
Many banking houses content themselves 
with stating that "rates are satisfactory," 
meaning that the rates are not exorbitant. 

In the history of almost every company 
that has been in existence for ten years or 
more there is a record of at least one serious 
battle over rates. Sometimes it takes 
the shape of a public agitation, frequently 



led by the newspapers, for lower prices 
for gas, for more free transfers on the 
trolley system, and occasionally for lower 
prices for electric power or for telephone 
service. The investor who is going to put 
any serious amount of money into the 
bond or, more particularly, into the stock 
of such companies has a right to know 
whether there has been such an episode 
in the life of this company and, if so, what 
was the outcome of it. 

Usually, the public utility company that 
has had its rate litigation, its public up- 
roar, and its good sound beating at the 
hands of the people is a sounder, safer, and 
more conservative company than the com- 
pany which has not yet experienced it. 
Nowadays, with the growth of the Public 
Service Commission idea, this question of 
rates is becoming less important; but it is 

still one of the main points to be considered 
in buying any public service security. 
Other things being equal, the soundest 
bond is that issued by a corporation which 
shows a strong surplus of earnings based 
on very low rates. 

The layman, of course, though he recog- 
nizes that these general rules will help him 
in selecting safe investments, does not 
know how to apply them. In the long 
run the whole business of investment comes 
back to the banker, just as the whole busi- 
ness of law comes back to the lawyer. If 
you have a good lawyer you do not need 
to worry much about reading up the law 
on your own account; similarly, if you 
have a sound and conservative banking 
house with which you deal, you do not 
need to study very deeply the technicali- 
ties of finance. 










IN FRANCE Socialism means agita- 
tion. In Germany it means organi- 
zation. That is a difference in 
temperament, and also in economic 
and political conditions. 
Germany is mediaeval. "Divine Rights" 
is written on the brow of the Kaiser. 
Militarism is rampant . and lately there 
lias been added the power of money. This 
is the trinity that rules Germany: .1 
mediaeval king, a feudal aristocracy, and 
the pushing, parvenus of coal dust and iron 

A more depressing triumvirate cannot 
be imagined. It embraces all that is 
arbitrary in monarchy, haughty in aris- 
locracv, and snobbish in riches. 

The old German) with its love for 
frugality, for learning and modesty, has 
retreated before the rush of the money 
getter. " Business has eaten the heart 
out of scholarship," one of her greatest 
scholars sorrowfully complained to me a 
few months ago. 

From the highesl officials down to the 
lowest is a series of castes, like the serried 
steps of a pyramid, the king on the shin- 
ing summit, the humble officials below. 
These officials intermarry, they breed 
the spirit of stratification. 

All of this extends into private life. 

1 he Germans are from the cradle educated 

into a fixed system or layers. The career 

of a man is foreshortened before he begins 



it. There are all sorts of schools, for all pushed from the sunshine into cellars, 

sorts of children. These children are not The police were outwitted, the Govern- 

judged by their ability so much as by ment's commission made plaintive re- 

their parentage. ports, every year, of their inability to 

Only one power is capable of breaking cope with the determined multitudes, 

through these crusts — the money power. Finally, after twelve years of useless 

A millionaire can marry a duchess. One efforts, after 1,400 publications of all kinds 

of the keenest of German publicists said had been interdicted, and 1,500 persons 

to me, "Our social lines are as rigid as in the imprisoned to serve an aggregate sentence 

Orient, our worship of money as ardent of 100 years, the anti-Socialist laws were 

as in America. We are a contemptible repealed. Not with the consent of the 

cross between America and China." determined man who forced them upon the 

Germany is, then, the promising field Empire; Bismarck's jaw never relaxed, 

for the eruptive forces of Socialism. He wanted to make the punishment 

Here the army is the most intrenched and expatriation. But the Reichstag balked, 

the most insolent, the Government the even the conservatives were sick of the 

most reactionary, and private wealth is business. He prorogued the Parliament 

growing daily in influence and arrogance, and went before the people. 

And in this fertile field, Socialism has 
grown in proportion to the hostility that 
king, army, and wealth have heaped Then he learned what deep root this 
upon it. ' plant, whose buds he had been clipping, 
Bismarck's anti-Socialist laws read like had taken in the years of darkness. The 
a page out of inquisitorial Spain. Two Social- Democrats left the House with 
attempts upon the life of the aged Emperor 1 1 members, they returned with 35. Back 
were the immediate excuse for these laws, of these delegates of labor were 1 ,427,000 
that enforced every rigor known to votes. Bismarck resigned. And Bebel 
militarism against the Socialists. Cities was justified in his proud dictum, made 
were put under a "minor state of siege," from the tribune whence the Chancellor 
a modified sort of martial law; Social- had so often flayed him: 'The Chancellor 
Democrats were not allowed to organize thought he had us, but we have him." 
unions, were not permitted to have meet- And Liebknecht, the scholar among the 
ings without the permission of the police, Socialists, shouted: 'The anti-Socialist 
and, at every meeting so permitted, police laws have gone down, and our red flag 
were present to dismiss the people as soon has gone up to the mast head." 
as they thought the law had been violated. Bismarck had made three mistakes: 
The most trivial excuses were given to First, he headed off a true Liberal party, 
stop meetings. For instance, Bebel said driving the liberal-minded workingmen 
in one meeting: "Under our economic into Social-Democracy: second, he tried 
system the man stays at home and does to kill Socialism and its democracy by 
the cooking, while the wife goes to the violence: third, he thought he could win 
mill to work." This mild arraignment the workman over by giving him a sub- 
of the existing order was sufficient to end stantial interest in the state, 
the meeting. His elaborate scheme of paternal Social- 
All Socialist papers, books, plays, songs, ism was inaugurated by an old age pension 
and even pictures, were put upon the act, followed by sick benefits and accident 
Index Expurgatorius of this new political insurance. Nothing surprised the old 
papacy, their importation was punished, statesman so much as the folly of his 
There was a universal exile of Socialist logic' He had argued: the workman is 
leaders from the cities under the ban. not materially interested in the State; he 

turns to Socialism because the State in 

a cellar propaganda the abstract does not reach his intelligence; 

What was forbidden in the open was the State should give him something 

done in secret, the propaganda was concrete to hold him, then he would have 



a tangible interest at stake and Socialism 
would not lure him. 

In spite of his syllogism and its resultant 
pensions, Bismarck saw that the working- 
men kept on flocking into the Social- 
Democratic fold by the thousands. 

What is it, then, that the Social- 
Democrat wants? 

Let me elaborate a little more on the 
"socialized" condition of the German State 
to-day, then the answer will be easier. 


Germany is the most "socialized" 
nation in Europe. The State owns all 
the means of communication, railroads, 
canals, post, telegraph, parcels post, tele- 
phones, wireless telegraph, and Zeppelin 
air-ships. The cities own the public 
utilities, are landlords of vast estates, own 
and manage markets, theatres, electric- 
power houses, bake-shops, meat shops, 
and factories. 

A German laborer may begin life at- 
tended by a physician or nurse paid by 
the State: he is christened by a State 
clergyman: is taught the rudiments of 
learning and his handicraft by the State. 
He begins his apprenticeship under the 
watchful eye of a State inspector who 
sees that the safeguards to health and 
limb are faithfully observed. He is 
drafted by the State into the army, de- 
voting two of his best years to the drill 
sergeant. He returns to work from the 
rigor of this discipline; the State gives him 
license to marry, registers his place of 
residence, and follows him from place to 
place wherever he moves. If he falls ill, 
his suffering is assuaged by the knowledge 
that his wife and children are cared for, 
and that his expenses will be paid during 
illness, and he spends his convalescence 
in a sumptuous State hospital. If he 
falls victim to an accident, the ample 
insurance, even if he be permanently 
injured, is a balm to his suffering. If he 
unfortunately becomes that most pitiable 
of all creatures, a man out of work, city 
and State unite to find or make work for 
him. If he wanders from town to town 
in search of work, the cities through which 
he passes offer him free hospitality. If 
he wishes to move to another part of his 

town, the municipal bureau will be glad 
to help him find a house, or even lend him 
money to get one of his own. 

If he is in dispute with his employer, the 
Government furnishes a court of arbitra- 
tion. If he is sued by his master or wishes 
to sue him, the State has provided a special 
industrial court. If he is in trouble the 
city places a lawyer at his disposal. 


And if by rare chance, through the 
grace of the State's strict sanitary regu- 
lations and by careful living, he reaches 
the age of seventy, he will find the closing 
days of his life eased by a pension, very 
small to be sure, but yet enough to make 
him more welcome to the relatives or 
friends who are charged with ministering 
to his wants. 

Two hundred thousand dollars a day 
is the price that Germany pays for this 
system of industrial pensions alone. More 
than 16,000,000 workmen are insured 
under the accident, old age, and sickness 
acts. This does not include the vast 
horde of officials who are pensioned in 
army and navy, preachers, teachers, 
judges, the national and local civil lists 
— policemen, firemen, janitors, and all 
the rest. There is only one considerable 
class of workers left out — the private 
salaried employees — such as clerks, steno- 
graphers, etc. There is a law now in the 
Reichstag extending the pension acts to 
this class. Then only a minority of the 
65,000,000 inhabitants will be without 
the benefit of some public stipend. Ger- 
many is the pensioner's paradise. 

And it is in this land of cautious care- 
taking for the humbler folk, that Social- 
Democracy casts half the Socialist votes 
for the world. 

What does the Social-Democrat want? 

First of all, he wants democracy. He 
wants property and prerogative subor- 
dinated to man. 

The Empire is a political hodge-podge. 
There are all sorts of governments, from 
Liberal Bavaria to the crabbed junkerdom 
(or landlordism) of Mecklenburg — there 
are principalities, dukedoms, kingdoms, 
and free cities, all with ancient charters, 
privileges, and prerogatives. None is demo- 



cratic, and most of them resort to ingenious 
devices to make a Social-Democratic major- 
ity remain a minority. 


For instance, take Saxony, an enlight- 
ened little kingdom, with Dresden, the 
art city, for its capital. Only two years 
ago this kingdom passed a new election 
law. The voters are divided into four 
classes. All males of 25 years have one 
vote: those who have an annual income 
of about $335 have two votes; those with 
about #445 income have three votes: 
those with $525 have four votes. But 
in every case the income must be either 
from property or from professional service. 

There are 91 members in the Saxon 
diet. The new law arranged the districts 
so that only 43 — less than half — are 
from the cities. The country vote is 
safely anti-Socialist. But the cities of 
Dresden, Chemnitz, and Leipsic have a 
large Social- Democratic population. In 
Leipsic the vote stood as follows: 

32,576 voters in the one-vote class cast 
32,576 votes. 

20,323 voters in the two-vote class cast 
40,646 votes. 

8,538 voters in the three-vote class cast 
25,614 votes. 

18,491 voters in the four-vote class cast 
73,964 votes. 

The four-vote class cast double the vote 
of the one-vote class, with about half as 
many voters. 

With this handicap the Social-Democrats 
went into battle. They won more than 
one half of the voters, but elected 
only one fourth of the members. They 
were offered the vice-presidency of the 
Chamber of Deputies. But the offer had 
a string tied to it, they must attend the 
reception given by the king to the depu- 
ties. They had always refused to recog- 
nize Royalty in this way, and would not 
surrender now for the sake of office. 

Or take the ancient free cities. In 
Liibeck there are 120 members in the 
legislature, 105 of whom are elected by the 
electors whose income is S420 a year. In 
Hamburg no one can vote whose income 
is less than S252 a year. In Bremen the 
electors are divided into groups, each 

group representing a certain kind of 
property or activity, and these groups 
elect the legislature. 

But the special grievance of the Social- 
Democrat is Prussia, the predominating 
state of the Empire. Here the three-class 
system prevails. Each electoral district 
is divided into precincts, the tax-payers 
of each precinct are listed according to the 
amount of taxes they pay, the largest 
payers on the top, the smallest on the bot- 
tom, of the list. The total amount of 
taxes paid is divided into three equal parts, 
those who pay the upper one third are 
class one, the middle one third are class 
two, the lower one third are class three. 
Each of these groups elects the same 
number of electors, and these electors 

C3 Socialists, ... 11 ES Nat. Liberals, 47 
EZ1 Centrists, ... 93 EE3 Radicals, ... 44 

EH Conservatives, 66 ES2 Poles 18 

CZ3 Miscellaneous, 19 





meet and choose the members of the 
legislature. Classes one and two usually 
combine to control the elections. Some 
queer things happen. For instance, one 
precinct in Berlin has 3 men in the first 
class, 8 in the second class, 294 in the third 
class. The eleven in classes one and two 
have everything their own way. In 1903, 
the Social-Democrats, for the first time, 
contested an election for the Prussian diet. 
The conditions are too hard for them to 
hope for success. They cast 314,149 
votes, and the Conservatives cast 324.1 57: 
the Social- Democrats failed to elect any 
representatives, the Conservatives elected 
143. In the last election, the Social- 
Democrats cast practically 24 per cent. 



of the votes and elected seven members in a 
house of 420. The districts are so gerry- 
mandered that the rural population, com- 
prising 30 per cent, of the total, elect the 
majority of the members. 

The Social-Democrats are, first of all, 
demanding the abolition of property 
qualifications for elections. 

They are, secondly, demanding the same 
freedom that is vouchsafed to other mem- 
bers of the community. 


They are the recipient of constant 
annoyances. The Government considers 
them enemies of monarchy, and excuses 
its petty persecutions on the ground of 
self-preservation. Men are still impris- 
oned for opinion's sake. Last year Ernest 
Heilman, the clever editor of the Chem- 
nitz Volksstimme, the leading Social- 
Democratic organ of Saxony, was 
sentenced to six months' imprisonment 
for writing and publishing a caustic but 
brilliant editorial on the Kaiser as landlord 
and taxpayer. He told me, some days 
before he began his "vacation," as he 
laughingly called it, that all his assistants 
had served time for similar offenses. And 
wherever we went on the day of my visit, 
he was greeted by the workingmen in a 
jocular spirit and congratulated upon his 
opportunity to spend the hot months of 
summer in a cool place. This is the spirit 
in which these prosecutions are received. 
They engender no great respect or love 
for the Government. 

Police are still present at public meet- 
ings to remind the eager orators that 
freedom of speech is not a reality. And 
the presiding magistrate is usually content 
with the evidence of the policeman when 
the. offending speaker is arrested. 

February 13, 19 10, was set aside as a 
day for demonstrations in favor of uni- 
versal suffrage throughout the Empire. 
The following notice appeared on the 
bulletins of Berlin: 

Notice! The right to tin- streets is hereby 
proclaimed. The streets serve primarily for 
traffic. Resistance will be met with force of 
arms. I warn the curious. 

Police President Iago. 

Berlin, I eb. 13, 1910 

The Social-Democratic papers called 
attention to the fact that the notices were 
written on the same forms that the Police- 
President so often used to announce the 
clearing of the streets of all traffic on 
account of military parades. 

The right to hold the demonstration 
being denied, they planned another to be 
held in Treptow Park. This the police 
also forbade, and placed sentries on every 
street leading to the park. One hundred 
and fifty thousand Socialists then 
met, on the designated day, in the Tier- 
garten, in the very heart of the city, and 
so secretly had the word been given, and 
so quietly had it been executed, and so 
orderly v/as this vast throng of working- 
men, that the police knew nothing about 
it until the meeting was over and the 
crowds were dispersing. 

There are, every year, collisions with the 
police, followed by arrests. And every 
year, at the national convention of the 
party, the honor roll of the martyrs is read. 


Social- Democracy is, of course, un- 
fashionable. It is also politically suicidal. 
The Social- Democrat is not only ostra- 
cized from "society," he is disqualified 
from holding office. While he may vote 
for members of the national Parliament, 
he cannot become even a care-taker in a 
public comfort station. This disquali- 
fication is, of course, not a legal one. But 
it is more effective than any statute could 
make it. In Germany there has been no 
Briand, no John Burns. Schoolmasters 
with socialistic sympathies learned long 
ago to keep their opinions to themselves. 
The clergy in the State Church have only 
to recall the experience of Pastor Nau- 
mann, until recently a member of the Reich- 
stag as a Radical Liberal, who sacrificed a 
pastorate to his convictions. And pro- 
fessors in the University, who are not 
content with the "Socialism of the Chair." 
remember the dismissal of Dr. Aarons, a 
Social-Democrat who had declared in 
public that Social-Democracy was the 
" lesser evil" thai threatened the State. A 
law was promptly passed, prohibiting 
members of the University from meddling 
in any way with Social-Democrats. 



So, if you are a lawyer, you cannot be 
a judge, if a minister, you cannot get a 
church, and if a scholar, you cannot get a 
chair — if you are a Social-Democrat. 

" Do you enjoy freedom from political 
interference in your position?" I asked 
a high official in the Insurance Office. 
"Absolute freedom," he replied. "We 
can vote, talk, think as we please. Only 
we must not vote, talk, or think with the 
Social-Democrats. That warrants our im- 
mediate dismissal, on the ground that the 
Social-Democrats are bent on destroying 
the present Government." 

The Berlin daily Vorwaerh, the great 
central organ of the party, is prohibited 
in the barracks. The poor recruit dares 
not even wrap his sausages and buns in a 
discarded copy, without being in imminent 
danger of the guard-house. 


This sort of tyranny is only the shadow 
cast by the Emperor. He said publicly, 
with some want of tact, many years ago: 
" The Social- Democrats are a band of 
persons who are unworthy of their father- 
land." And more recently he said: "The 
Social-Democrats are a horde of father- 
land-less ne'er-do-wells." 

The Socialists retaliate. To them the 
"divine rights" have become human folly. 
One of the workmen whose home I was 
visiting said to me: "If the Kaiser were 
to come through this part of Berlin, I 
would draw the curtains to the front win- 
dows and take my children back into the 
kitchen. So would all my neighbors." 
You look in vain for the picture of a 
Hohenzollern or of Bismarck in the homes 
of these people. Marx, Bebel, Liebknecht, 
La Salle, are there. 

They have their own petty tyrannies. 
If you want work you must join the union. 
If you want to be treated in a neigh borly 
way, vote with the Social-Democrats. 
Many a small shop-keeper has felt the 
compelling force of boycotts, when he 
voted against the Social- Democrat ticket. 

In Prussia this feeling of personal 
hatred runs very high; there are no friendly 
good mornings between Social-Democrats 
and Conservatives. The Socialists do not 
mingle joyously with groups from other 

parties in the lobbies of the Reichstag. 
They are enemies. The Social-Democrats 
never attend a public function where 
they will be expected to cheer the Kaiser. 
This year they remained away from the 
opening of the new Berlin city hall for 
that reason. 

In South Germany there is no such 
bitterness. The King of Bavaria is not 
afraid to shake hands with Von Voll- 
mar, the Prince of Socialists and the 
Socialist among princes. But in Bavaria 
it is no mortal crime to call up a public 






Number of 

Number of 

Yearly cost 

Yearly cost 

pupils in 

soldiers & 

of State 

of army & 







functionary on the telephone and ask him 
a question. Woe to the man who dares 
this in Prussia! Officialdom there can 
only be approached respectfully, by per- 
son or formal writing. 

Now it is quite clear what the Social- 
Democrats want. They want the same 
political freedom, the same political 
chances extended to the Social-Democrats 
that are given by the State to members 
of other parties. 

It is not physical comfort that they are 
seeking. In no other country in the world 



is the laboring man in such snug circum- 
stances. Let us take a walk through the 
suburbs of Berlin inhabited by working- 
men. We will choose Rixdorf, a district 
controlled by the Social- Democratic vote. 


You are surprised at the clean streets, 
the trees, the lawns and flowers in the 
leading avenue; at the prosperous appear- 
ance of the flats and tenements, with 
their myriad balconies gay with flowers 
and vines. You enter a dozen courts and 
backyards, every one is scrupulously clean. 
You visit the workman in his rooms — 
there are only three or four, or maybe only 
two rooms. But they are all well lighted 
and neat. On the streets are troops of 
children, all comfortably clothed, none 
neglected. You compare them with the 
listless, ragged waifs of London. 

We stop to inspect the shop windows, 
to admire the pastries, meats, and vege- 
tables that these workers buy. Here is a 
hatter with a silk hat in his window. Who 
will buy a silk hat in this poor neighbor- 
hood? Your guide tells you, "Some fore- 
man or skilled mechanic." 

Here you find no abject poverty. 
There is none. I asked a score of Rix- 
dorfers to tell me of poverty. Each one 
knew a widow or unfortunate neighbor 
who " had a pretty hard time of it." " But 
can't you take me to a street where every 
home is in misery and people don't know 
where the next meal is coming from?" 

" Ach, mein Gott, no, we don't have 
that in all Germany!" 

And they do not. There is plenty of 
poverty — and the charity reports show 
a rapid increase — but it is clean, systema- 
tized. There are no slums — no stenches. 

And you wonder why these men are 
protestors. Why do they want to vote, 
to hold office, to help manage the big 
affairs when such comfort is their lot? 


1 mingled one evening with a group of 
laborers in their gardens. Every family 
contrives to have a garden — garten-laybe 
— outside the city. We had talked long 
into the night on Socialism, politics, and 
social ideals, and they had asked me a 

great many questions about America, 
especially about our free schools. Finally 
I told them I couldn't understand why 
they were such grumblers. After a long 
pause, one of them, a foreman in a machine 
shop, said: "Well, we German workmen 
are fairly well off. And 1 would be in- 
clined to be content. But my boy can't 
go to the University." 

There you have the answer. It is that 
intangible barrier interposed between 
these intolerable castes that make the 
under-man feel wickedly toward the upper. 
Because the barrier is impassable. 

1 learned, on inquiry, that this par- 
ticular foreman had an attractive and 
bright lad, and was eager for him to get on. 
But he spurned charity, and he could not 
afford the money required for his college 
education. Social- Democracy is a protest 
against political privilege and the hard- 
ening crusts of caste. 

These workmen for fifty years have 
learned that if they want anything done 
they must do it themselves. The Social- 
Democratic party is the enginery of their 
power. And J do not hesitate to say that 
their party machine is the most perfect 
political organization in Europe: Ameri- 
can party machines are crude and ama- 
teurish compared with it. The only 
rival is the well-oiled, ball-bearing, silver- 
plated, inter-acting, noiseless mechanism 
designed by the gentry of England for the 
running of the great Empire. 

The Social-Democratic party is a labor 
party and seeks the cooperation of the 
labor unions. There are three kinds of 
these unions: the "Christians." organized 
by the Centre party, to keep Catholic 
workmen within the fold; the Hirsh- 
Dunker unions, organized under the tute- 
lage of the Liberal party; and the Social- 
Democratic unions. Each kind of labor 
union has. therefore, some political signifi- 
cance. The "Christians" number about 
jO0,OO0; the Liberals, ioo,O0O; and the 
Social-Democrats about 2,000,000. 

But the organization of the Social- 
Democratic unions is entirely independent 
of the party. There are two organizations. 
Not all members of the union vote the 
party ticket. But all sympathize with the 
party programme. This separateness of 





organization is in itself an element of 
strength. It gives spirit to the unions and 
an accommodating temper to the party. 

In most of the cities these powerful 
Social-Democratic unions own huge club 
houses (called Gewerkschafts-bduser). 
Here you will find all sorts of conveniences. 

There are lecture, concert, and dance halls, 
libraries, restaurants, lodgings for the wan- 
dering craftsman, committee rooms, etc. 

The cultural activities of the party and 
of the unions throw an illuminating side- 
light upon the character of the people 
and upon the quality of their purpose. 












There are night schools, lectures, educa- 
tional excursions, a juvenile department 
to bring up the youth in the gospel of the 
party, and in Berlin a training school for 
the more gifted young men who wish to 
become editors and politicians. There 
are art exhibits. Some years ago, a revolt 
took place against the filthy literature some 
German publishers were spreading among 
the young. Now the labor unions are 
publishing classics for youth and selling 
them at a nominal price to workingmen. 

Last summer, when I was in Berlin, 
three rooms in the Club house were fitted 
up as a model workingman's home. 
Kitchen, bedroom, and sitting room, 
furnished neatly, cheaply, durably; the 
walls in subdued tints, hung with artistic 
prints. I have been in many homes in 
Charlottenburg where less taste and more 
money were displayed. These rooms were 
crowded several times a week with working- 
men and their wives, eager to learn. 

The party is controlled by an executive 
committee who govern with the dignity 
of a college faculty, the astuteness of 
politicians, and the frugality of tradesmen. 
There are 76 daily papers in the party 

press, many weeklies and monthlies, and 
even juvenile and humorous journals. 
Some of the trade journals have a wide 
influence. The metal workers' journal 
has 500,000 subscribers, and the masons' 
journal 300,000. 

Last year more than 44,000 meetings 
were held, more than 23,000,000 circulars 
and 2,500,000 pamphlets distributed. 

The keynote of all this activity is party 
solidarity. "We have no factions, we 
are one. Personally, any Social-Democrat 
may think as he pleases and do as he 
pleases, but when it comes to political 
activity we insist that he act with the 
party," Dr. Sudekum, one of the younger 
party leaders and editor of an influential 
monthly, told me. 

Evidences of party discipline are not 
wanting. The dogmatic Prussian element 
is particularly paternal in its scoldings of 
the South Germans, when the Bavarians 
or Badensians slip through the fingers of 
party rigor and vote for the budgets in 
their state legislatures. The annual party 
convention is the safety valve against this 
party czardom. Here everybody frees 
his mind with naive directness. Every 









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one says anything he likes and returns to 
his home, satisfied that he has had fair play. 

Solidarity there is, whatever the cost. 
And a class consciousness, a homogeneity, 
a brotherhood. They call one another 

Beneath this organization of party and 
of workmen is a fundamental wisdom, 

insisted upon everywhere: first be a good 
workman, then make your demands and 

It is needless to add that capable men 
have arisen from among the humble to 
guide this powerful machine. The most 
interesting man in Germany is August 
Bebel, a woodturner. To belong to the 
part>', dues are required, and willing 
service. The party membership has 
grown rapidly the last few years: in 1906 
it was 384,527; in 1907, 530,466; 1908, 
587,336; 1909, 633,309; 1910, 720,038; 
191 1, 850,000. 

Here is a party of nearly a million, 
willingly paying dues from their frugal 
wages and glad to be sent into any party 
service where they can be useful. 

The following table shows the voting 
strength of the party: 


BA1 : 


V, . i\ 
1 1 














3,01 1 ,000 











1 10 


WHICH FALLS M0S1 hi win UPON I HI POOR, BOTH IN M0NE1 \\l> in nil LOSS 01 mi YOUNG 




This does not show their present strength. 
Their enemies were jubilant in 1907 
when they cut their representation in two. 
The Kaiser, with military phrase, said, 
"The Socialists have been ridden down" 
- — as cavalry rides down. They thought: 
now is the beginning of the end of Social- 
ism. They were mistaken. Many of the 
lost seats have been regained. And the 
elections of 19 12 added another blow to 
their hopes. The Socialists emerged with 
1 10 members, or 27 per cent, of all. 

In city and provincial politics, the 
party is not so powerful. 1 have shown 
how local election laws discriminate 
against them. In nineteen provincial 
legislatures they have 186 members; in 
396 city councils, 181 3 members; in 2,009 
communal councils, 5,720 members. 

In the Reichstag the Socialist group 
is the centre of daily commotion and 
interest. "Our entire public life centres 
about this party," complained a National 
Liberal member, because the ministers 
gave such elaborate replies to the Social- 
Democrats and barely a word to the 
other groups. 

Of the Socialistic side of the movement 
nothing very definite can be said. The 
party is Democratic first, Socialistic sec- 





ond. 1 asked Herr Bebel how much of 
the Utopian was left and he replied, "We 
are too busy doing things to dream. 
When I was converted to Socialism, when 1 
was Saul and became Paul, we were so over- 
whelmed with misery and so persecuted 
that we naturally thought violent revo- 
lution was the only way to make things 
better. Since then f have seen the most 




i 5 8 

the wor 

m * 4 

v~. M 



wonderful changes come over society. 
We have won victory after victory. New 
problems have arisen that Marx never 
dreamed of. We have accomplished all 
this progress by meeting each problem 
specifically. So we have learned to look 
upon our work as transforming, not over- 
throwing, society. But our ultimate goal 
of social ownership of the great forces of 
production and distribution is constantly 
before us. And, believe me, someday the 
break will come, and the flood will sweep 



everything before it; then will come the 
end of centralized wealth and tyrannical 

Von Vollmar, the gentlest and most 
cultured of gentlemen, who sacrificed 
social distinction and political opportunity 
to his convictions, told me: "When 1 
was young, and the State hounded us to 
death, I naturally believed revolution 
the only wa\ to general betterment. 
But that has all changed. We have 
already revolutionized Germany. When 

y* f 

■ ,**" $ 

5 • ' i 

• X v ' *P 


PUBI IC ol I lil\h 







I look back thirty years I marvel at what 
has been done. We must not be so stupid 
as to fasten our hopes on violence. The 
ferment works day and night. Change 
is constant." 

Of the old-fashioned Marxians, Kautsky 
is still the orthodox prophet and Rosa 
Luxemburg the fiery evangelist. But even 
their utterances are growing ever tamer. 

Nobody is bothering very much about 
the "new social order." Every one is 
anxious about the troubles of to-day. 

The Social-Democrats never vote for 
the army and navy appropriations. They 
are anti-militarists but not anti-patriots. 
Von Vollmar said, in the Bavarian diet, 
some years ago: " If the necessity should 
arise for the protection of the realm against 
foreign invasion, it will be seen that the 
Social-Democrat is as patriotic as his 
neighbor. On the other hand, if the 
foolish notion should ever arise to use the 
army for the support of a waning class 
prerogative, for the defence of indefensi- 
ble demands, and for the crushing of those 
ambitions which are the product of our 
times and the necessary result of our 
economic growth, then we are of the firm 
conviction that the day will come when the 
army will remember that it has come from 
the people, and that its own interests are 
those of the masses." 

Last summer, at the Social- Democratic 
convention at Jena, while the Morocco 
trouble threatened war between Germany 
and France, Herr Bebel made a remark- 
ably brilliant speech, that was reported 
by the column throughout Europe and 
had a far-reaching influence in settling 
the question. He vividly described the 
horrible actualities of war, and scathingly 
denounced our "civilization" for permit- 
ting the "killing of men for the conquest 
of land." He intimated that the Socialists 
would not refuse to fight in defense of 
their fatherland, but that they would do 
everything in their power to prevent war. 

German disarmament will be long in corn- 
gin, but when it does come it will be a 
proletarian, not a capitalist, victory. 

Definitely it can be said that German 
Socialism has coerced the Government, 
slowly but surely, from absolutism into a 
gradual recognition of democracy; that 

it has compelled the wealth of the land to 
share some of its profits with the working- 
men, in the form of pensions; and that 
it is working valiantly against the military 
tyranny that costs the nation a million dol- 
lars a day and the young man two of the 
best years of his life. In private property 
it has not made many dents. 

What are the prospects of this unique 
party? It is a laboring man's party. Of 
its 1 10 members in the Reichstag, the 
majority are laboring men, the others are 
editors, lawyers, etc. A large majority 
of the workingmen are already in the fold. 



There are only two directions in which 
it can hope for recruits: among the 
agricultural laborers and the small busi- 
ness men and tradespeople. The agri- 
cultural laborer is almost hopeless. He 
is stolid, stupid, without blood or fire. 
The Church and the junker (large land- 
owner) have him between them. 

But there are many evidences that the 
small tradesman and the business man are 
looking toward Social- Democracy for help 
against the trusts that are squeezing him. 
Von Vollmar told me that a great many 




business and tradesmen voted for him 
in Munich. And my conversations with 
a number of tradespeople in South Ger- 
many bears out the general opinion that 
the barrier is breaking down. A well 
known business man in Baden told me 
that he had several times voted for Social- 
Democrats, and that many of his business 
acquaintances had done likewise. 

Dr. L. Frank, of Mannheim, the "New 
La Salle" of the party, said to me: 'There 
are many of the students and younger 

professional men, lawyers, journalists, 
engineers, etc., coming over to us. I he) 
see the futility of the so-called Liberal 
movement. And they learn we are not as 
revolutionary as we are painted. 1 con- 
sider our ability to attract the intellectuals 
the real test of our strength, the thermom- 
eter that registers our power." 

When Social-Democracy becomes both 
proletarian and intellectual liberalism, 
some strange changes will be wrought in 
the German hierarchy. 








IF YOU happen to live in Phillips- 
town, U. S. A., and want a dozen 
fresh-laid eggs every day direct from 
a farmer, the easiest and cheapest 
way to get them is to have the 
farmer send them to you by the newly 
established "agricultural parcels post." A 
dozen eggs weigh about a pound. If the 
package does not weigh more than an ad- 
ditional quarter-pound, the postage will be 
six cents, in any kind of postage stamps. 
Or if you want a couple of pounds of but- 
ter, a pot of jam, a jar of honey, a pair of 
tender young "broilers," or a fat duck, 
your farmer can wrap them up, put the 
necessary stamps on them, hand them to 
the rural carrier the next time that func- 
tionary passes, and the parcel will be de- 
livered to you as fast as the mails can 
carry- it. And if your farmer wants tea 

or tobacco, garden seeds or a cake of yeast, 
he can telephone or write to the store- 
keeper at Phillipstown and have the 
articles mailed at the same rate of postage 

— six cents for anything up to a pound 
and a quarter, twelve cents from that up 
to three pounds, sixteen cents for a pack- 
age from three to six pounds in weight, 
twenty cents if it be more than six and less 
than nine pounds, and twenty-four cents 
for any heavier package up to eleven 

That's what you can do if you live in 
Phillipstown, U. S. A. --Union of South 
Africa. But if you live in Phillipstown in 
our U. S. A., — United States of America 

— you can't do anything of the kind. 

To be sure, there are rural carriers 
traveling once, twice, or three times a day 
between most of our post offices and the 

1 62 




outlying farms — 42,000 of them, cover- 
ing about a million miles of roads every 
day, in vehicles perfectly able to take 
loads of from 100 to 200 pounds over the 
average road. But they start out from 
their respective post offices with average 
loads of 25 pounds and return with prac- 
tically no loads at all. For in the United 

States of America we haven't any kind of 
parcels post at all, except a service that 
costs so much nobody uses it for anything 
weighing more than an ounce or two, that 
limits the weight of parcels carried to a 
trilling maximum, and that bars from the 
mails entirely the eggs and butter, honey 
and jam. and broilers and ducks that the 



Hi ;i m w J|P 







people of Phillipstown, Union of South 
Africa, can have sent in from the farm, 
whenever they want them. 

For the United States Post Office 
charges sixteen cents a pound postage and 
limits packages to four pounds. So the 
farmer does not use the mails for his 
packages. But he does use the rural 
mail carrier enough to show that a parcels 
post would be a great service to him; 
for if he wants packages that are unmail- 
able or heavier than the four-pound limit 
delivered to him by rural carrier, he can 
get them — provided the person who is 
sending them to him first takes them to 
the post office for the postmaster's in- 
spection, to make sure there is no reason- 
able excuse for charging postage on them 
and provided the postmaster then gives 
his permission for the carrier to take them, 
and provided the carrier is willing to 
perform the service and does not charge 
too heavy a fee for it. But that is the 
nearest approximation we have to any 
kind of parcels post. Even under these 
conditions there were 138,490 packages 
carried by Rural Free Delivery carriers 
outside the mails, in the month of January, 
1910, of a total weight of 914,318 pounds 
and nine ounces. Nobody knows how 
much the carriers charged for this service. 
Whatever profit there was in it went into 
their pockets. They alone were respon- 
sible to the shippers and the consignees, 

and the Government's only concern was 
to see that they did not carry anything 
on which, under the postal laws and 
regulations, a tax of 16 cents a pound 
could be levied. 

South Africa is a long way off, however, 
and there are other aspects of the parcels 
post besides the agricultural one. The 
shipment of merchandise, gifts, personal 
effects from city to city is as necessary 
in modern civilization as is the trans- 
portation of commodities to and from the 
farm. England isn't as far away as South 
Africa. How do they solve the problem 










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By the general parcels post. Anything 
and everything, up to eleven pounds in 
weight and with some reasonable restric- 
tions of the methods of packing and of the 
bulk of the packages, is carried in the mails 
— collected from boxes or postal stations 
and delivered at your house just like 
letters — at rates that begin at 6 cents 
for a single pound and end with 22 cents 

for 1 1 pounds. But the British Islands are 
a small country, you may say, and the dis- 
tances are short. Well, the British Post 
Office will carry an 11 -pound package 
700 miles for 22 cents — as far as from New 
York to Cincinnati. An American wish- 
ing to send the same weight of merchandise 
700 miles can ship it by express for from 
75 cents up. Or, if it can be divided into 



1 66 




two 4-pound packages and one 3-pound 
package, he can send it by mail for Si. 76, 
whether it is to go from Boston to San 
Francisco or from New York to Jersey 
City. And if you think it is no concern 
of Americans what the British Post Office 
does for the people of the United Kingdom, 
ponder the fact that the British shipper 

can address a package to any point in the 
United States, drop it in the British mails, 
and have it delivered at its destination in 
the United States whether that be Sitka or 
Siasconset, for 61 cents for a 3-pound 
parcel, 85 cents for a 7-pound parcel, 
or Si. 09 for an 11-pound parcel. From 
the port of New York, however, the British 






parcels post is handled in the United into a railroad car and does not weigh 

States by the American Express Company, more than no pounds, by mail. The 

which carries the packages for the foreign additional postage charges for weights 

Government for 24 cents, while charging above eleven pounds are arranged on a 

Americans up to $1 .65 for the same service. 

In sending parcels the other way, however, 

the charges are entirely different. If an 

American takes an 1 1 -pound parcel into 

any American Post Office, he can send it 

to England for $1.32 instead of $1.09, or 

for 12 cents a pound, but he cannot mail 

it at any price from one American Post 

Office to another. 

Perhaps they order these things better 
in Germany. In some respects that is 
true. A person can go shopping in Berlin 
and have his purchases sent home by 
parcels post, eleven pounds for six cents, 
if the distance is ten miles or less; for 
twelve cents if it is more than ten miles 
— and there are air-line distances of 850 
miles in Germany. But the service of the 
Imperial German Parcels Post does not 
stop there. You may add weight to the 
parcel up to a limit of 110 pounds — 

actually ship live dogs, goats, bicycles, what a parcels postman looks like 
baby-carriages — anything that will go an every day sight in german towns 

1 68 



zone system, beginning with a trifle less 
than half a cent a pound for 46 miles and 
running up to about 5! cents a pound for 
distances more than 692 miles, for the ad- 
ditional weight. Nor does the Imperial 
German Parcels Post — a wonderfully effi- 

cient institution against which there is no 
private competition — stop there. For the 
benefit of the German shipper it carries his 
parcels to America and delivers them for 
him to the addressees in New York City, in 
Brooklyn, Jersey City, or Hoboken with 
its own wagons, for a maximum charge 
of 88 cents for an 1 1 -pound parcel from 
any point in Germany. The blue-painted 
wagon of the Imperial German Parcels 
Post may be seen any day in the streets 
of New York, delivering packages that 
have been carried possibly 800 miles by 
rail and certainly 3,000 miles by water, 
at a total cost of eight cents a pound, 
though the resident of Hoboken must 
pay sixteen cents a pound to his own post 
office to send a package across the North 
River, a scant mile. And if the German 
package is destined for an interior point, 
the express company takes it for an ad- 
ditional 24 cents to any part of the United 

The United States is a big country, and 
it probably would not be feasible to make 
a general parcels post rate on the basis 
of that of Belgium, for instance, where 
a package of 132 pounds is carried any- 
where by post for 22 cents, with an extra 
charge of only 6 cents for house-to-house 
collection and delivery and 10 cents more 





for fast train service. But so is Australia 
a big country — not so very much smaller 
than the United States of America — 
and there one can send parcels of a pound 
for twelve cents, with six cents added for 
each added pound. European Russia 
is more than two thirds as large as the 
United States and a postage charge of 
34 cents carries an 11 -pound package by 
mail to any part of it, and 95 cents will 
carry the same parcel from St. Petersburg 
to Saghalien Island, off the eastern coast 
of Siberia, or to any other point in the 
Russian Empire. And by paying at ap- 
proximately the same rate for the 
additional weight one may post parcels 
up to 120 pounds in the Russian Post 
Office and they will be delivered. And if 
the area covered has any bearing on the 
question, consider China, half as large 
again as the United States, with its parcels 
post rate of a dollar for twenty-two pounds 
anywhere in the Republic — or Empire — 
whichever it may happen to be when this 
is published. 


The question naturally arises. If the 
parcels post works to the advantage of 
the public in these countries and the rest 
of the civilized nations of the world, which 
all have it, why do we not have it in the 
United States? Mr. Wanamaker, more 
than twenty years ago, answered that ques- 
tion. He said, in one of his reports as 
Postmaster General, that there were four 
reasons why we did not have the parcels 
post — the Adams Express Company, 
the American Express Company, the 
United States Express Company, and 
Wells, Fargo and Company's Express. 
With ten express companies now doing 
business, as against four then, there would 
seem to be a multiplicity of reasons against 
the parcels post. But two things have 
happened that had not occurred in Mr. 
Wanamaker's day in office. Rural free 
delivery has been established by the Post 
Office, and the express companies have 
been placed under the jurisdiction of the 
Interstate Commerce Commission. And 
because of these things, we are going to 
have the parcels post in the United 
States — sometime. 

Believing in the parcels post, President 
Taft has recommended it. In a special 
message to Congress last December he pro- 
posed, as a preliminary step, that it should 
be established on certain selected rural free 
delivery routes, and that is the way in which 
it probably will be started. That is the way 
Postmaster General Hitchcock wants to try 
it out. Mr. Hitchcock can hardly be 
accused of being a parcels post enthusiast. 
He sees obstacles to the collection and 
delivery of parcels in the big cities for 
instance. Likewise, he does not believe 
in cheap postage, as a general rule. But in 
his last annual report he advocated the 
rural free delivery parcels post, and in 
his testimony before the Senate Committee 
on Post Offices and Post Reads, on Nov. 
13, 191 1, he said: 

1 favor making a beginning on the rural 
routes, but that beginning should be followed 
as rapidly as possible with an extension of the 
parcels post system to other branches of the 
postal system. My plan was to start with the 
rural routes, follow that almost immediately 
with delivery in the carrier service in cities and 
towns, and after those two branches of the 
service were organized, to take over the railway- 
express business, thus making a general system. 

Mr. Hitchcock suggested a rate of twelve 
cents a pound, with a minimum charge 
of twelve cents, as a general parcels-post 
rate, limited to eleven-pound parcels. 

Congress wants the parcels post, the 
public want it. Farmers, villagers, city 
dwellers, business men — excluding certain 
well-defined classes which will be more 
specifically identified later — want it. The 
National Grange and most of the state 
granges have indorsed it. Labor organiza- 
tions and woman suffrage associations and 
consumers' leagues and dozens of other 
organizations composed of ordinary, aver- 
citizens have sent delegations to 


Washington to demand the parcels post 
as a matter of right and justice, as a means 
toward keeping the cost of living down and 
making it possible for more people to live 
in the country by establishing better 
communication between country and city. 


Why do we not have the parcels post, 
then? One of the chief objections to the 



establishing of it is the argument of 
"paternalism." Individualists contend 
that the Government has no right to take 
over what can be done by private enter- 
prise. This objection, however, is losing 

the parcels post can be of very slight 
advantage to the mail-order houses, which, 
whether the system is established or not, 
will depend, for the transportation of their 
goods, on freight; because freight will 

much of its force by the mere passage of always be the cheapest form of conveyance, 
time. Another potent stock argument is No parcels post project ever suggested for 
that the express companies are doing the adoption in America takes the 100-pound 

carrying business cheaper than the Govern- 
ment can possibly do it. The first step 
toward the explosion of this argument was 
taken when the express companies were 
placed under the jurisdiction of the Inter- 

shipment into consideration at all. The 
general manager of a certain big mail 
order house testified before the Senate 
Committee that 82 per cent. of. their busi- 
ness was shipped by freight, 10 per cent. 

state Commerce Commission by the Hep- by express, and only 8 per cent, by mail. 

It is surely only a question of time until 
the country dealer gets over his fright 
about the mail-order houses and becomes 
as eager in his demands for the parcels 
post as the farmer now is. 

burn Rate Law of 1906. According to 
their own figures, the entire plants and 
equipments of the ten express companies 
doing business in the United States, in- 
cluding all their real estate holdings, could 
be duplicated for 829,962,373. That 
sum represents, however, the investment 
of earnings and not of original capital, 
of which it is doubtful if as much as 
%\, 000,000 was ever invested. I he ex- 


If one may judge by the expressed wants 
of the people and by all the signs of the 
times, it is certain that conditions will be 
press companies collected among them in improved very shortly, even if we do not 

arrive at once at a complete and genuine 
parcels post. The express companies are 
trying to save their bacon by a comprom- 
ise. This compromise is embodied in the 
Adamson bill, reported favorably in Con- 
gress by the House Committee on Inter- 
State and Foreign Commerce. It provides 
for the regulation of express rates and co- 
operation between the express companies 
and the Post Office to the extent of inter- 
changing business to or from rural free 
The method that the express companies delivery routes. The provisions of the bill 

the fiscal year ending in 1911, $141,791,975 
gross revenues, of which about half 
went to the railroad companies, leaving 
net earnings after paying the„ other ex- 
penses of their business of 511,595,045. 
Viewing these figures, it was plain enough 
that the Government or almost any agency 
could do the business cheaper than the 
express companies were doing it. 


and other middlemen have taken to defeat 
the parcels post is by endeavoring to con- 
vince the rural merchants and retailers 
in small communities that if the system 
is adopted it will wipe every one of these 
small dealers out of business, cause rural 
communities to disappear, and leave the 
"mail-order" catalogue the only connect- 
ing link between the isolated farm and the 
ed city 

apply to all packages under eleven pounds 
in weight and #80 in value. I he maximum 
rates provided in the bill range, by /ones, 

from 2 cents a pound between points not 
more than 250 miles apart to 12 cents .1 
pound for distances of 2.000 miles or more, 
the intermediate stops being a 4-cent rate 
up to 600 miles, a went rate up to 800 
miles. 7 cent up to 1 .200 miles and 10 cents 
for .1 2,000-mile haul. I he companies are 

I his appeal to the little retailers has its required to deliver packages at these rates 

effect. They have seen, or think they 
have seen, the mail-order houses getting 
business and dollars which should be theirs 
by right of geographic location. Their 
knowledge of economic principles is not 
gieal enough to permit them to see that 

to rural free delivery earners, who will 
deliver them along their routes without 
extra charge, and to accept from R. F. D. 
carriers parcels prepaid at the same rates, 
collected on the rural routes. 

On the other hand, there are several 


out-and-put parcels post bills pending, demption of their own money orders, 

Senator Obadiah Gardner of Maine has engaging in the brokerage and commission 

introduced one that calls for the purchase business in competition with merchants, 

by the Government of the entire property carrying parcels for foreign shippers at 

and equipment of the express companies lower rates than domestic traffic, combin- 

and the assumption of all their business, ing with the railroad companies to conceal 

More closely in line with the ideas of those unjust rates, delay in settling claims, the 

who have made a careful study of the common practice of collecting charges 

parcels post is the O'Gorman-Sulzer bill, from the consignee on shipments prepaid 

which increases the weight limit in the by the consignor, and the establishment of 

domestic postal service to 1 1 pounds and different rates for the same distance from 

reduces the present one-cent-an-ounce rate different points. 

on fourth-class mail matter to the third- One illustration of the way in which the 
class rate of one cent for two ounces. It express companies handle their business 
also provides that on all rural free delivery is typical of much of the evidence given at 
routes parcels up to one pound in weight the inquiry. A shipper at Bridgeport, 
are to be carried for one cent between any Conn., delivered a package addressed 
points on the route, up to 11 pounds for to a customer in Syracuse, N. Y., with 
5 cents, and up to 25 pounds for 10 cents, instructions to forward it from New York 
These rates are exclusive of charges for by American Express. The Adams Ex- 
registration and insurance. Even such a press has the exclusive contract on the New 
limited parcels post as this would be a York, New Haven, and Hartford Railroad, 
long step beyond anything we now have the only road touching Bridgeport. The 
in this country. American Express operates on the New 

York Central Railroad, the direct line 

express company scandals from New Yor k to Syracuse. But the 

Why not let the express companies do Adams Express also has the contract for 

the business, then? The investigation by operating on the Pennsylvania Railroad, 

the Interstate Commerce Commission, and a branch of the Pennsylvania touches 

begun in 191 1 and still under way, has Newark, N. Y., a point on the New York 

brought out such a mass of testimony Central some sixty miles west of Syracuse, 

about the evil practices of the express So, instead of taking the package fifty 

companies that many of their supporters miles, from Bridgeport to New York, and 

are now advocating the parcels post. then turning it over to the American Ex- 

The Merchants' Association, the largest press Company for the three hundred mile 
business organization in New York City, carriage to Syracuse, the Adams Company 
and 225 other business men's associations carried the package from Bridgeport to 
acting with it, filed with the Interstate New York, thence to Philadelphia, thence 
Commerce Commission more than a year to Harrisburg, Penn., thence to Stanley, 
ago charges against the express companies, N. Y., and thence to Newark, N. Y., neces- 
which specified particularly complaints sitating a trans-shipment at each point 
of unjust, unreasonable, and extortionate named, and at Newark handed it to the 
charges, excessive over-payment to the American Express Company, which had 
railroads on small parcels, the collection but sixty miles to carry it. 
of double terminal charges when the goods Investigators of the Interstate Corn- 
are handled by two express companies, merce Commission found from the corn- 
roundabout routing by agreement between pany's own books, in the year ending June 
the companies and the ignoring of rout- 30, 19 10, records of over-collections by the 
ing directions of the shippers, the increase Adams Express Company amounting to 
of terminal charges when the length of $67,197 and by the United States Ex- 
haul is increased, excessive charges for press Company, in the same period, of 
insurance, extra charges for delivery of $22,026. One day's waybills of the Adams 
goods to steamship companies, failure to Express Company showed over-collections 
provide funds at minor offices for the re- of $267, and a single day's over-charges by 


the United States Express Company, as between. I had to hitch up a horse and 
reported by the same investigators, drive two-and-a-half miles in each direc- 
amounted to $471. tion, pay thirty cents for ferrying across 
What is worrying the Post Office authori- the river, and it cost me in all more than a 
ties, however, is the problem of collecting dollar to get that small part, to say nothing 
and delivering packages in the cities with- of the great inconvenience both to my 
out losing money. The express com- superintendent and myself." 
panies, for the cost of picking up and It is easy to extend Mr. Hale's sugges- 
delivering parcels, average on all their tion and understand how the R. F. D. 
business but 17 mills per pound. This parcels post would enable the farmer to 
amounts to less than the cost of the labor obtain from his nearest village such com- 
of clerks in ascertaining the rate to be paid, modities as he requires by simply tele- 
making out waybills, copying waybills phoning for them instead of, as now, hav- 
into records of shipments forwarded and ing to hitch up and drive to town to get 
received, reporting shipments sent and them. Tea and coffee from the grocer, 
received to the auditor, checking of way- a book from the public library, a harrow 
bills by auditors against the records of tooth or a bolt to repair a broken piece of 
sending and receiving agents and dividing farm machinery from the hardware store, 
percentages between express company and a bottle of castor oil from the druggist, or 
railroads. All these operations would be a pair of rubber boots from the general 
replaced in the parcels post by the postage merchant — these are but suggestions of 
stamp. The railroads would be paid for articles which the farmer often wants in a 
carrying the mails on some uniform basis hurry, which the rural merchant usually 
such as now obtains. Surely this would has in stock, but which the existing 
not be ruinous to the Government. machinery of distribution provides no 
And the express companies would not means of delivering. And since the carrier 
perish, either, for careful estimates in- has to return to the post office from which 
dicate that not more than 25 per cent, of • he started, what is to prevent him bringing 
their business would be taken over by the in small quantities of farm or garden 
parcels post if all packages weighing less produce consigned by mail direct to the 
than 1 1 pounds were sent by mail. consumer in the town or to the store- 
keeper for sale? 
And if "garden truck," why not Christ- 
Some advantages of a rural free de- mas presents between cities, merchandise 
livery parcels post were indicated by wit- between states — why not, in short, a 
nesses who appeared during the last winter genuine parcels post? Even the most 
before the Senate Committee. J. H. Hale severe critics of the parcels post idea admit 
of South Glastonbury, Conn, is known that it will work well on the rural free 
throughout the country as "the Peach delivery routes. The cost of railroad 
Kir Rural free delivery wagons transportation is a definite, fixed, known 
run from Hartford past his house, quantity. The only other element enter- 
" I have a farm on the other side of the ing into a complete parcels post system is 
state, bevond New Haven, possibly forty a collection and delivery system for the 
miles from my own home," said Mr. Hale, cities and — if we are unwilling to take 
I lure was a little implement 1 wanted lessons from Germany or England — the 
the other day from the other farm, so 1 express companies themselves have de- 
called up the superintendent on the tele- monstrated that this is the least expensive 
phone and told him to send it In mail, lie and most profitable part of their business, 
could not do so, because it weighed five The blue wagon of the Imperial German 
pounds, so he had to hitch up a horse, Parcels Post has just rattled up Broadway, 
drive three miles to the express office, pay 1 low long will it be before the red wagon of 
twenty-five cents to brim; it to an express the United States Parcels Post will become 
office two-and-a-half miles from my own as familiar an institution on every Main 
home, with the Connecticut River rolling Street in America? 








(president of the united states) 

I WAS elected President of the United 
States on the Republican platform of 
1908. I am trying to keep faith with 
the people, who elected me with the 
understanding that I would carry 
out the principles of that instrument. 

The Republican party declared in that 
platform that "in all tariff legislation the 
true principle of protection is best main- 
tained by the imposition of such duties 
as will equal the difference between cost 
of production at home and abroad." The 
party went before the people on that issue 
and was sustained. 

Our Democratic brethren have de- 
parted from the faith on a tariff board 
which a majority of them once embraced, 
and, in the extraordinary session of last 
year, they passed three tariff bills without 
the aid of information from a tariff board, 
drawn in such an unscientific, unsystem- 
atic, and reckless way that I did not hesi- 
tate to veto them, in order that they 
might await the coming in of the report 
by the Tariff Board upon Schedule K, wool 
and woolens, which one tariff bill affected, 
and upon cotton and cotton manufactures, 
which another tariff bill affected. We 
should be entirely willing, upon the issue 
whether those bills ought to have passed 
in the form in which they were drawn, 
with the little information as to their 
effect which Congress had, or was able to 
furnish the Executive, to go before the 
country and invite a verdict of the people. 
I think that this is the issue upon which 
we may safely prove our good faith in 
regard to a desire to lower duties as far as 
possible consistent with the. protective 
principle already stated. It brings us to 
the question, whether, in reducing duties, 
we are to reduce them with a view to the 
preservation of our industries and giving 

them a chance to live, or whether we are 
to act recklessly without information and 
without regard to a probable disastrous 
effect upon an important part of our 
business. We do not ask for any industry 
a rate which shall give it an opportunity 
to enjoy undue profit in competition with 
the foreign manufacturer, or which shall 
tempt our manufacturers to form a monop- 
oly in order to secure the artificial benefit 
of a rate that is higher than the difference 
in productive conditions. As an evidence 
of our good faith, we are ready and anxious 
to abide by the judgment as to the facts by 
a board of scientific investigators who 
know no party and no party interest in 
their researches, and only act as judges 
of the fact to find the truth. 


It seems to me that an Administration 
has no higher duty and can have no higher 
aim than to permit legitimate business 
to go on undisturbed and with that con- 
fidence in the Government which is 
essential to prosperity. It is assumed 
that the employers of labor are more 
interested in the continuance of prosperity 
than others, but, as a matter of fact, they 
are less seriously affected by lack of it. 
As far as the material comforts of life go, 
the man of capital will be provided whether 
we have good times or not. It is those 
who work for daily wages whose welfare 
and happiness depend chiefly on pros- 
perity, and therefore it is the business 
of Government, so far as it may, to remove 
all obstacles to prosperity and the going 
on of business, and to instil confidence into 
those who control capital so that it may flow 
out freely and increase and expand those 
enterprises upon which the wage-earner 
depends for his support and his livelihood. 



I don't mean to say that we may not 
have a specious prosperity, one which 
beems to be consistent with everybody's 
happiness, but which merely covers un- 
fair business, and while there is the hum of 
the wheels of industry, still there are evils 
and defects that must be eliminated. But, 
other things being equal, the thing that 
brings the greatest happiness to the great- 
est number is general prosperity in busi- 
ness. Everything that I can do I shall 
do to bring about a state of confidence 
on the part of those whose investments 
make business go, in order that they may 
continue or increase those investments 
so thatj manufactures and business and 
production of all kinds may go on for a 
reasonable profit. At the instance of 
Secretary Nagel of the Department of 
Commerce and Labor I have called to- 
gether representatives of all the business 
organizations of the country, in order 
that we may have a national chamber of 
commerce which shall meet in Washington 
and give to the Governmental officers the 
benefit of their ripe experience in business, 
that we may get from the men who know, 
the things that ought to be done or ought 
not to be done in the interest of business. 


No charge has been made against me 
that went nearer to my heart than the 
charge that I, by the enforcement of the 
anti-trust law, was injuring the business 
of the country. 1 enforced it so far as 
lay in my power and duty because it is 
on the statute book. I enforced it be- 
cause I believe it to be a good law, and 1 
believe it when properly construed to 
make a right guide for business. I believe 
thai by the construction of the courts 
of the laws that are on the statute books, 
and by decisions that are yet to come, the 
line may clearly be drawn so that business 
may square itself to those boundaries 
which the law fixes. I hope that feeling 
ist me on that account has abated 
— not that I am afraid to enforce the law. 
because 1 shall continue to do so— but 

iuse 1 believe in its reasonable enfc 
ment. not with the viev of disturbing busi- 
ness, but with a view to reconciling business 
to the limitations contained in that law. 

I should deprecate the suggestion of any 
so-called reform that involves consti- 
tutional changes, without our knowing 
exactly what we are going to do and what 
the effect of these changes will be. The 
Constitution has served us well, and we 
cannot hope, if it is to be amended 
radically, that those who look to the 
security and stability of this countrv 
will not be so alarmed that business will be 
interfered with on that account. 1 am 
not opposing amendments, just because 
I would have business undisturbed, be- 
cause amendments may be necessary, but 
what I would deprecate is the sudden 
suggestion of amendments for this end, 
and amendments for that, and having 
amendments for breakfast the next morn- 
ing as if the amendment of the funda- 
mental law were nothing but the repeal 
of an ordinary statute or the passage of 
an ordinary appropriation bill. 


There is one other subject which is a 
rather tender one with me. I am con- 
vinced that most of the audiences I had 
the privilege of addressing within the last 
year were in favor of passing and ratify- 
ing the peace treaties just as they were 
presented to Congress. It was not that 
these treaties were going to abolish war; 
nobody said the} would; but it was that 
they were a step in the direction toward 
that practical ideal under which war might 
have been made almost impossible. If 
we had a treaty like that with every coun- 
try in Europe, the various countries might 
have made treaties of the same kind among 
themselves, and we should have had an 
interlacing of treaties to sustain an arbitral 
court into which any nation might have 
gone for the purpose of vindicating its 
right againsl any other nation, might 
have secured judgment and have that 
other nation abide the result, because of 
public opinion of all the nations of the 
world, or. if they did not respond to that. 
by an international police force. That 
is the ideal toward which we were reach- 
in;: out. They have amended the treaty 
in the Senate and have put in so man) 
exceptions that really it is very doubtful 
whether the adoption of such a treaty will 


be a step forward. But I give notice that the permanent morality of the world as 

I have not lost interest in that point and we should wish to establish it. If we are 

I have no thought of surrendering, be- going into the arbitration business, we must 

cause I intend, so far as 1 can and so long go into it all over, willing to endure defeat 

as 1 may raise my voice, to continue to in order to sustain the court and not insist 

favor general universal arbitration. I upon regulating the court every time it fails 

acknowledge and admit the power of the to come up to our expectations. 

Senate, and I believe it to be a great part We have treaties pending also with 

of the structure of our Government, and Nicaragua and Honduras to carry out the 

1 would not have it eliminated for any- policy of the treaty with Santo Domingo 

thing. I recognize the authority of the and they ought .to be ratified. The 

Senate and have no quarrel with the responsibility for bad government in those 

exercise of that authority, but the ulti- Central American States and for revolu- 

mate source of all authority in this Govern- tion and disturbances must fall upon the 

ment is the people. It is the people who, shoulders of those who defeat the treaties, 

by deliberate judgment — it may be after They are pending in the Senate, and it is 

years and it may be after decades that the hope of all that, within a reasonable 

they are aroused and make up their minds time, after full discussion, they may receive 

— can effect a reform which commends the approval of the necessary two thirds 

itself to their hearts and their souls and of that body, 
their minds, and it is upon them that I 

depend in this matter. It may be that THE MENACE OF THE Recall 

it will not come to all of us, but it is com- There are other aims of government to 

ing, sure as fate. What abolished the which reference might be made, such as 

duello? W r as it anything but a sense of the movement looking to greater economy 

humor? Was it anything but apprecia- and efficiency in government work and 

tion of the fact that a man who permitted expenditures; penny postage through 

himself to be shot at in order to satisfy postal economies; extension of practical 

his feeling about the insult that had been conservation acts; parcels post; revision 

inflicted on him, merely made himself a of currency laws and prevention of panics; 

mark? Is there anything more ridiculous scientific study of industrial conditions 

than our going to war with some country and international investigaton of the high 

on some subject important, perhaps, but cost of living. But there is one subject 

not important enough to involve the lives to which I would refer in conclusion, 

of 100,000 of our citizens, or hundreds of Should, the Republican party take up the 

millions of our treasure? Does not every- judicial recall as one of its tenets, it would 

one know that the better way of lose caste as a defender of our civilization, 

settling questions of honor and every a maintainer of the Constitution, and an 

other question is to submit them to a upholder of justice. When we depart 

tribunal of honest men who shall decide from the principles of the independence 

them according to the rules of right- of the judiciary — and by independence I 

eousness and law rather than to try them mean not only independence of individual 

by the rules of might, settling them by interests, but independence of majorities — 

might and not by right? I believe that we shall lose the valuable essence of the 

universal arbitration is coming, because I administration of justice and we shall 

believe in the common sense of the Amer- retrograde to the point where the history 

ican people that makes them play the game of the decadence of republics begins. I 

according to the rules and with a sports- am not unmindful of the necessity for 

manlike willingness to abide a judgment judicial reforms, but that depends not on 

against them when it comes. This idea changing the character of the judges, but 

of statesmanship that insists that we shall upon the change of procedure, the ex- 

always have the judgment, whether we pedition of judgments, and the reduction 

are right or wrong, is a short-sighted idea of the expense of litigation. These things 

of statesmanship. It does not abide in must be the result of hard detailed work 



by men willing to accomplish reforms with- ground of removal to high crimes and mis- 
out spectacular reward. The great body demeanors; it can be extended to incom- 
of our judges are learned, upright, patriotic petence, or to neglect of any demonstrated 
men. It is entirely possible to provide departure from judicial duty. But let us 
for the removal of those who are not, by have a hearing, let us have an impartial 
proper procedure before a tribunal in tribunal, and let us not take away that 
which the accused judge shall have a priceless and indispensable quality in the 
hearing. It is not necessary to limit the judiciary — its independence. 


1TH the hearty co- 
operation of practical ly 
the entire body of 
citizens, either as 
individuals or working 
through their hired men in the City Hall 
or the Town Council, several good-sized 
cities have practically abolished the 
fly; and every city can do the same if 
its citizens want to. 

The first and most difficult step is to 
convince the general public that flies are 
an actual menace to health. The next 
step is to make the public understand that 
it is possible to get rid of them. This 
educational work usually requires the 
initiative and energy of some group of 
citizens to make it effective. 

Get in touch with some local organiza- 
tion which has the interests of the town at 
heart. Your local chamber of commerce 
or business men's club probably can be 
interested, at least to the extent of appoint- 
ing a committee with power to raise funds 
for this particular work. One of the 
most carefully planned and effective edu- 
cational campaigns against the fly is 
being conducted by the Women's Munic- 
ipal League of Boston. Or, form a 
fly-fighting committee of citizens yourself 
or join the American Civic Association 
and organize a local branch of it. 

Now you can interesl your local news- 
papers and your municipal government. 
Ask the ciiv health officer to indorse the 
anti-fl) campaign. He will do it. Get 
him to do it in writing. If he has no 
original ideas on the subject give him a 
copj of the "Fly Catechism" of the 

Indianapolis Board of Flealth and ask 
Here it is: 

him to sign that. 

1. Where is the Flv born? In manure and 

2. Where does the Flv live? In every kind 
of filth. 

3. Is anything too filthy for the Flv to eat? 

4. (a) Where does he go when he leaves the 
vault and the manure pile and the spittoon? 
Into the kitchen and dining room, (b) What 
does he do there? He walks on the bread, 
fruit, and vegetables; he wipes his feet on the 
butter and bathes in the buttermilk. 

5. Does the Fly visit the patient sick with 
consumption, typhoid fever, and cholera in- 
fantum? He does — and may call on you next. 

6. Is the Fly dangerous? He is man's 
worst pest and more dangerous than wild 
beasts or rattlesnakes. 

7. What diseases does the Fly carry? He 
carries typhoid fever, tuberculosis, and summer 
complaint. How? On his wings and hairy 
feet. What is his correct name? Typhoid 

8. Did he ever kill any one? He killed more 
American soldiers in the Spanish-American 
War than the bullets of the Spaniards. 

q. Where are the greatest number of cases 
of typhoid fever, consumption, and summer 
complaint? Where there are the most flies. 

10. Where are the most flies? Where there 
is the most filth. 

11. Why should we kill the Fly? Because 
he may kill us. 

\2. How shall we kill the Fly? (a) Destroy 
all the tilth about the house and yard; (b) pour 
lime into the vault and on the manure; (c) kill 
the Fly with a wire-screen paddle, or Sticky 
paper, or kerosene oil. 

1 <. Kill the Fly in any way, but KILL 
1 1 1 1 ■ FLY. 


14. If there is filth anywhere that you can- well under way go after results vigorously, 

not remove, call on the Board of Health, and Start a "Fly Swatting" contest Get 

ask for relief before you are stricken with dis- your i oca i merchants and health board to 

ease and, perhaps, death. cooperate in offering prizes to children 

When you get your statement from the for the largest number of flies caught 

health officer, take it to the newspapers, before a given date. One of your news- 

Your local editors will see the news value papers probably will be glad to undertake 

of your fly campaign and will be glad to such a contest in its own name, especially 

cooperate with you. Get the physicians if your organization will do most of the 

of your town to state their candid opinions work. Charitable organizations will help, 

of the fly and its habits, and see that the Canvass your business section thoroughly 

newspapers get those statements, too. and get the merchants to agree to keep doors 

Send to the United States Department of and windows tightly screened and to set fly 

Agriculture at Washington for Farmers' traps. Publish in the papers, daily or 

Bulletin No. 459, and to the American weekly, the names of merchants who are 

Civic Association, 156 Fifth Avenue, thus cooperating in the war on the fly. 

New York, for some of its "literature" on Pay particular attention to meat markets, 

the fly, and ask your State Board of Health bakeries, groceries, fruit stands, delica- 

for information. You will get a great tessen shops, and restaurants — everyplace 

deal of material which your local papers of business where food is exposed. Make 

will be glad to print. Ask the editor if a roll of honor of places that agree to keep 

he ever noticed the "Swat the Fly" all food tightly screened.. The wise mer- 

column that the Chicago Tribune runs chant will quickly grasp the advertising 

every cL./ during the warm weather, and value to himself of being included in this 

that is gradually educating the people of list. If your town is a small one you can 

all that section to the menace of the fly. easily place in the business districts 

If you have funds, get a local artist to enough baited fly traps near the curb 

draw some cartoons illustrating the prog- to draw flies away from the stores and so 

ress of the fly from the manure pile by reduce the danger. If farmers and others 

way of the garbage can, the cuspidor, and coming to town are accustomed to hitching 

the sick room, to the sugar bowl, the cream their horses in the principal street, see 

pitcher, and the baby's nursing bottle, that the street around the hitching 

Have cuts made from these and use them grounds is kept cleaned up and disinfected, 

to illustrate posters and circulars that so the flies cannot breed there. 

you can place in conspicuous positions. See that every householder is supplied 

Many people will say they are "disgust- with information about the fly and how 

ing." That is what they are for. to get rid of it. Very full and practical 

Get the school children interested, instructions for the individual house- 
Arrange for lectures in the public schools holder who wishes to make war on the fly 
to impress on the children the danger oi were given in the May number of the 
the fly. Get your Health Commissioner World's Work. Ask your city or village 
or a local physician to lecture. Or the council to adopt the model fly ordinance 
American Civic Association can put you prepared by the Indiana and Kansas 
in touch with some lecturer who will give* State Boards of Health. It has been 
a talk on the fly, illustrated with lantern adopted in many municipalities in those 
slides, for a small fee. Get your local states and its phraseology can easily be 
moving picture theatre to order the " Fly altered to fit conditions in any community. 
Pest Film" through their regular film Keep your organization alive, to see that 
exchange, and show it on some occasion the town is kept clean. If it is possible, 
arranged for in advance and well adver- arrange for a complete disinfection with 
tised through your organization. This pyroligneous acid or some other disin- 
film can be rented from the General Film fectant. How effective such disinfection 
Company, at a very low rate. can be made is illustrated by the following 

When your campaign -of education is description of the experience of Wilming- 



ton, N. C, told by Dr. Charles T. Nesbitt 
who directed the work there. 

One of the social fixtures in Wilmington, for 
one or more centuries, has been the annual 
epidemic of typhoid. The sick rate is high 
enough to be gratifying to the medical pro- 
fession, but the death rate is discouraging to 
the undertakers. The average is about 4^ 
per cent. Last May the epidemic started 
business a little earlier than usual, and with 
a little more evidence of activity. The local 
and state health authorities got busy very 
promptly, and had no trouble in finding colon 
bacilli in the municipal water supply. The 
people generally responded to the advice to 
boil all water used for domestic purposes 
irrespective of its source, and the majority of 
them carried out the other usual precautionary 
measures. The progress of the epidemic was 
in no wise affected, and strange to say the 
victims were almost without exception members 
of families who lived in the best residential 
section of the city. 

Our new commission form of city govern- 
ment was then in its extreme infancy, and it 
decided among other good things to create 
a health department along new lines. The 
change was made on June 6th, and we of the 
new organization found the job cut out for 
us in getting rid of the typhoid. It was ob- 
vious that we must find the source of infection, 
for it was also obvious by this time that the 
water was not the infection-producing element. 

There were flies, and flies, and flics. All 
sorts and conditions of flies, and in countless 
millions. There were most excellent reasons 
for this plague: more than five thousand open 
surface privies, six hundred city-kept cows, real 
Colonial horse stables everywhere, and hogs. 
There was a screen ordinance somewhere, but 
it had gotten mislaid when there were two 
grocers on the old board of aldermen. 

It just had to be war on the flies. They were 
inly the next best bet, and the new health 
department was considerably impressed with 
the necessity for justifying its establishment. 
And we had to produce a wallop that would gel 
a million a minute to gel within sighl of the 
rate of reproduction so discouragingly figured 
out by Doctor Howard. 

It reasoned out like this. Putrefaction and 
fly production are indissolubly associated. 
Stop the put refaction, and there might be 
some chance of stopping some one of the vital 
s of the fly. With the above described 
conditions it was certain that there were 
several tons of filth too main- to be gathered 
up and destroyed. I he tilth had to be de- 

stroyed for fly feeding and breeding purposes 
where it lay. 

I stated the situation to my friend Tom 
Pritchard, who is a chemist, and demanded 
that he tell me at once what would kill fly 
eggs and larvae, stop putrefaction, at least 
smell like a disinfectant, and be immediately 
available in large quantities at about one 
cent per gallon, delivered. He brought me a 
bottle of something in less than an hour which 
he said might possibly do. He explained that 
once upon a time, before the era of Doctor 
Wiley, the pork packers everywhere used this 
stuff in the mural decoration of hams and 
bacon. They called it "Liquid Smoke," and 
that is exactly what it smelted and looked like. 
Chemists call it pyroligneous acid. It is a by- 
product in the manufacture of turpentine when 
the wood is directly distilled. Thanks to 
Doctor Wiley, this acid was a drug on the local 

We ordered the visible supply, and at six 
a. m. on June 8th the fly-killing campaign 
began. A cart bearing two barrels of acid 
was sent to each of four street intersections,' 
two blocks apart each way. F side the 
driver, four men accompanied each cart, and 
each man carried a twenty-quart iron sprink- 
ling can. Each man was instructed to enter 
one of the blocks facing his station, and to 
soak thoroughly every spot that he could find 
which looked like a good place for Hies. It 
took five days to cover the entire city in this 
way, and as we had enough acid and flies left 
over we repeated the operation at once, much 
more effectively than the first time. This 
work was done under the personal direction 
of the chief of the Sanitary Police. 

We repeated this process four more times 
between June 20th and August 1st, when the 
available funds were exhausted. The flies 
left town. The effect was very perceptible by 
the time the second sprinkling was completed, 
and when the third was done there were so 
few left that the old inhabitants began to 
search their memories for like instances in the 

Dr. T. B. Carrol, our meat and milk inspector, 
who has done more to save baby life than any 
other man of my acquaintance, shared the 
curiosity of the department as to the rationale 
of the fly exodus We started some laboratory 
tests to find out, while the first round was 
being made. We secured a quantity of manure 
which contained fly eggs and larv.c and put it 
in tightly screened boxes. At the end of the 
normal periods of incubation and transition we 
had as fine a crop of flies as could be desired. 
\\ e are glad that we did not make the Iabora- 



tory tests first. If we had, we probably would 
not have learned that pyroligneous acid makes 
the feeding and breeding places of flies so 
disagreeable that they either starve, emigrate, 
or fail to breed. 





June 1-7 

1 I 

" 8-14 



" 15-21 



" 22-28 


29-July 5 


29- 4 

July 6-13 

1 I 

" 14-20 



" 21 — 

The foregoing chart of the epidemic and 
its relation to the sprinkling is sufficient 
proof of the efficacy of the work, and of the 
typhoid carrying power of the fly. 

The investigations were based on a careful 
analysis of 174 cases in which we used the form 

of questioning and procedure suggested by Mr. 
G. C. Whipple in his work on the epidemiology 
of typhoid. The sprinkling, from beginning to 
end of the process, usually occupied a period 
of four or five days. The results of this 
investigation excluded both water and milk 
as the source of infection. Since that time, 
our study of the cases which appeared 
after the fly extermination work was discon- 
tinued and after the flies came back leaves little 
doubt that soil pollution from the surface 
privies carried to shallow driven wells, and the 
fly as carrier direct from the privy to the food, 
were the sources of infection of the greatest 
importance here. 

To make itself clean, Wilmington has done 
more than sprinkle itself with pyroligneous acid. 
It has made almost universal the use of the 
sanitary privy. It has driven the hogs out 
of town, has practically abolished the city-kept 
cows, and has compelled the sanitation'of horse 
stables. And, most important of all, it has 
stirred its citizens up to a realization of the 
value and necessity of municipal cleanliness. 







(Illustrated chiefly by photographs from the Pan American Union.) 

TO THE boom of nineteen guns, 
the roll of "four ruffles and 
flourishes," and the strains 
of the band; between the due 
apportionment of side-boys, 
paraded marines, and the ship's officers 
in full dress, the Secretary of State of the 
United States on Special Mission to the 
Central American and Caribbean re- 
publics, boarded the cruiser Washington 
off Key West. There was to be nothing 
lacking of the formal etiquette which 
prevails between nations and on which 
Latin races particularly set much store. 
The object of the journey thus begun 

was to carry a message of good-will to the 
countries which the opening of the Panama 
Canal is about to bring into new relations 
with the United States. President Taft 
was sending the head of the Cabinet to 
journey from capital to capital to avow 
in the most conspicuous manner the hope 
of the United States that those relations 
should be closer and more intimately 
friendly, as well as to dissipate any sus- 
picion that we coveted any foot of their 
land or desired anything but their own 
prosperity. The very serious fact behind 
this series of elaborate amenities was, of 
course, the absolute necessity of establish- 



ing stable governments in the turbulent 
regions around the Caribbean, now that 
they are acquiring new interest for the 
rest of the world and that the Monroe 
Doctrine is becoming so vital. 

The Washington is an armored cruiser 
of 15,000 tons, with four 10-inch guns 
for her principal battery, her officers and 
crew numbering a thousand; the Mary- 
land, to which we transferred for the 
Pacific Ports, is practically a sister ship. 
Both had been specially arranged and 
provisioned for the party and for the 
courtesies to be extended to the statesmen 
who would be received on board. 

A lively passage brought us in four days 
to Colon, and introduced us to the 
programme which was to be followed, with 
very slight variation, in each one of the 
dozen countries of the itinerary: A visit 
on board by our Minister and a com- 
mittee ; a reception at the port, "reception" 
meaning shaking hands with scores of pol- 
itical leaders, their wives and daughters, 
Cabinet Ministers, Generals, and news- 
paper editors; standing bareheaded in the 
sun while the band plays its own national 
air and what in misguided zeal it intends 
to be "The Star Spangled Banner"; 
usually adjournment to the house nearby 
for a glass of champagne and an exchange 
of speeches; and then the boarding of a 
special train for the capital, where occur 
the chief formalities — a banquet and a 

The train at Colon, as in the other 
better countries, carried two parlor cars 
with broad observation platforms and 
were liberally stocked with refreshments. 

It requires three hours to cross the 
Isthmus on the new tracks of the Panama 
Railroad. This time we did not stop to 
see much of the canal. A big crowd 
aroUnd the station at Panama; flowers for 
the ladies, more music, a swifl procession 
of automobiles between files of police to 
the Tivoli Hotel; another "reception" in a 
big cool room from whose windows we saw 
the Pacilic: exchange of culls between 

Secretar} Knox and the Acting President; 

then dinner and a reception at the I e- 
gation -a delightful house of pure Span- 
ish type in the heart of the old! town — 
very charming ladies in Paris gowns, the 

Queen of the Carnival among them, rom- 
antic balcony all around overhanging the 
narrow street, moonlight above and a 
band below — that was a pleasant memory 
in succeeding days. At the state banquet, 
the following night, the flashlight for a 
photograph set fire to the paper decora- 
tions, and for a minute there was grave 
danger. The diners were on a ground 
floor but the galleries in which the ladies 
were seated debouched on a single small 
landing which a panic would inevitably 
have made the scene of a tragedy. 


Panama is a much more substantial 
city than its fame gives it credit for. It 
is typically Spanish, ancient of aspect, 
with two pleasant plazas, richly decorated 
and imposing churches, winding streets 
faced with good shops, well paved, and, in 
a way, metropolitan. Around it are 
growing up suburbs in which are located 
the offices and residences of the Canal 
officials. The whole place is lively and 
jubilant, as might be expected from its 
bright prospects. Real estate values are 
sky-high. Tourists throng the streets, 
and will yet more abound. The piazzas of 
the Hotel Tivoli have already become one 
of the great meeting points in the world; 
you hear there the French of the 
boulevards and the English of Mayfair, 
mingling with the accent of Frankfort 
and Hamburg. All the world appreciates, 
before the creators of the Canal have 
begun to appreciate, what its opening 
will mean to the world. With its his- 
torical background — one feels among 
the still stately ruins of the old City of 
Panama, eight miles away from its present 
site, that no spot in the hemisphere is 
more romantic — and its important future, 
Panama is fortunate and interesting 

The political state of affairs about the 
Canal is too mixed to be touched upon, 
especially as the Secretary of State had 
here no particular errand except to em- 
phasize the political importance of the 
new geographic fact. Efforts to induce him 
to hint the preference of the United States 
among the various candidates were un- 
successful; he made it clear that it was 



now no part of our policy to interfere in 
Panama's internal affairs. It was, and 
will continue to be, hard to convince the 
people of Panama that they must govern 
themselves. They are pretty well dazed 
at their sudden importance, and thus far 
have got little farther than the realization 
of the fact that there are lots of lucrative 
offices to fill, and a belief that the way to 
get office is to curry favor with the United 

Some thoughtful men in Panama doubt 
the stability of the Republic; they ask 
how a nation can exist, half in either of 

territory; wanted no voice in their in- 
ternal affairs; and dreamed of nothing but 
rendering assistance wherever it was 
needed to put fiscal affairs on a sounder 
basis or to compose disputes fatal to that 
peaceful and orderly government which 
the interests of civilization require should 
obtain in this part of the world. 

We learned instantly that Central 
America is suspicious of us and our in- 
tentions to a degree incomprehensible 
to any one but a Central American. There 
is no room here to do more than refer to 
the very important fact that Central 



two continents and divided into two by a 
strip of territory belonging to a power- 
ful nation. However, there is no 
immediate problem in Panama. The 
government of the Canal Zone is magnifi- 
cently efficient and that of the Republic 
of Panama is on its good behavior. 


Reaching Costa Rica, Secretary Knox 
came face to face with his work — that of 
persuading the people of Central America 
that the United States had for them noth- 
ing but good will; that it desired no new 

Americans get no news, and have no 
newspapers, as we know newspapers. 
Miscellaneous and misleading items, al- 
most always of sensational character, 
picked up from the Lord knows where, 
and wild rumors presented as facts, do 
duty for the carefully gathered daily 
news report which we read in our papers. 
That is one cause of misunderstanding 
that has perhaps not been mentioned 
before. Liberty and enlightenment re- 
quire a press. 

Besides, of course, the Central American 
is a Spaniard or an Indian or a mixture 

I 82 


of the two; with some touches of Negro 
blood; that is to say, he is proud, jealous, 
and sentimental. The North American is 
of a different cast of character. We are 
not fitted to understand each other, and 
we do not. The Central American, for 
instance, does not see how we can help 
wanting to acquire his lands. He cannot 
understand, for instance, why we should 
want to lend him money except for our 
own advantage, or want to officer his 
custom-houses except to humiliate him. 
He can see clearly that under the Monroe 
Doctrine it is our duty to protect him 
from foreign invasion, but it is very much 
more difficult for his somewhat childlike 
reason to understand that we have any 
corresponding duty in the direction of 
preventing his provoking and justifying 
foreign invasion. 


Costa Rica, which we were lucky to 
visit first, because of the comparative 
happiness of our relations with her and 
because of the influence of her people, 
confessedly of the purest blood in all the 
Republics — Costa Rica, without a griev- 
ance, imagined one. Her chief fear 
being lest she be swallowed up in a Central 
American Union, it was unanimously 
agreed that the Secretary of State had 
come to force her into such a Union. He 
had, in fact, done nothing of the kind, and 
it was delightful to watch the effect upon 
Costa Ricans of the discovery of the truth. 

Port Limon is now a busy place, visited 
by a thousand steamers every year. The 
trip to San Jose over the rails of the United 
Fruit Company's road is one of the finest 
scenic rides in the world. The port was 
hot almost beyond endurance, and the 
honors, lasting through the hottest half 
of the day, exhausting. Very delightful 
was the climb from the banana plantations 
to the coffee-groves and then on up into 
the coolness of the mountains, where we 
followed the »f the Reventuzon with 

wonderful summits far above and cascade 
far below. 

San Jose, in its lofty nesl among the 
peaks, is a health resort tor this part of the 
world; Panama officials often come up 
for respite from the heat. It is a tidy little 

capital for a tidy little land — with clean, 
paved" streets, running water everywhere, 
electric cars in the street, and an opera 
house far more splendid than any house 
of entertainment in the United States 
— the city's population numbers perhaps 

Costa Rica is the most volcanic of the 
Central American countries, geologically, 
and the most stable politically. The 
Costa Ricans are white. In San Jose 
not a Negro is to be seen — though there 
are some Jamaican blacks on the banana 
farms on the eastern slope and a good 
many Indians in the country everywhere. 
But the statement stands: in Costa Rica 
we have to do with white people — of 
remarkable gentility and good looks, too. 
In Costa Rica, they have settled govern- 
ment; elections occur as with us; the 
debt is small and the country's money is 
at par; property is as safe, titles are as 
carefully recorded, and courts as con- 
scientious as in the United States. The 
President proudly reminded me that 
Costa Rica has more teachers than 

And yet this most advanced of Central 
American countries received us with sus- 
picion. She owed at least one particular 
debt to Mr. Knox: some time ago Costa 
Rica had a boundary dispute with Colom- 
bia — that was before the Republic of 
Panama was born. It was submitted to 
the arbitration of President Loubet of 
France, whose award was clearly unjust; 
it gave Colombia more than Colombia 
claimed. To Mr. Knox's good offices was 
due the reopening of the case when the 
Panama Republic came — or was helped 
— into being; and it is now before a new 
arbiter, the Chief Justice of the United 
States. Remembrance of this favor was 
lost in apprehension over fear of the pur- 
pose of this mysterious visit. 

The ball was the first big event. Be- 
fore that there had been only exchanges of 
calls, a band concert, and a reception by 
the President. The purpose of the" visit 
had yet to be announced. A more 
beautiful scene is not often witnessed than 
that ball. No city in the United States 
could equal it in the magnificence of the 
ball-room — the Opera House — or much 


excel it in the splendor of dress. But it affairs. We cannot avoid the hundreds 

would be untruthful to say that it was a of complications likely to arise, or deal 

social success. A large number of the with those that do arise, without prestige, 

"first families" were not represented. Who will pay any heed to the wishes of a 

We were told that this was because an country with 350,000 population and an 

earthquake had been predicted. The army of 500 men? We must erect our- 

earthquake never came, but it served selves, united, into a nation worthy of 

its purpose, nevertheless. respect. President J iminez fears that we of . 

Costa Rica would lose our superiority in 

the suspicion of the mission me rging with our less happy neighbors. 

I found President Jiminez eager to talk Why, we should lose nothing; we would 

about the plan for the Central American not merge. We would federate — just 

Union, to give the arguments against it. as you did in North America. Massa- 

" Think what it would mean for us," chusetts loses nothing by belonging to a 
he said. "We should surrender peace federated nation that includes less cul- 
for disorder; prosperous tranquillity for tured states; New York sacrifices nothing 
constant revolutions. We should be lost by being part of a nation that includes 
in merging with four other states. If we Arkansas and Arizona." 
feel that we have some naval superiority, It is a pretty argument — in which Mr. 
it does not follow that we should be able Knox's Mission had not the faintest in- 
to exercise any preponderance as Prussia tention of taking a side, 
did in the German Empire or Piedmont It was the second night, in the foyer of 
in united Italy. We are too small; we the Opera, at the State banquet that the 
number less than half a million. The Secretary made his speech. The silence 
wine would become water. which fell on the company when he rose 

"Let us content ourselves with h 'ding was magical; the quiet in which they 

up an example. It is due to settled order listened was intense; the relief that showed 

that our imports and exports are equal itself in one long breath and the approval 

to some of our neighbors with four times took the form of smiling hand-clapping and 

our population. We should be foolish to hand-shaking; and the raising of glasses 

exchange our present fortunate and pros- was — let me say only — an intense satis- 

perous conditions for the worse than faction to those of us who had met the 

uncertainties, to put it mildly, of a Central suspicions of the capital and understood 

American Union. There is no physical how groundless they were. 

unity here; we have no uniting telegraphs It was with a spirit very different from 

and railroads; we are not all the same that of the formal welcome which the 

blood; there is no demand for political Secretary of State had been given at the 

union." eastern gate of San Jose three days before 

On the other hand, a few — I do not that he and his party were bidden God- 
believe a great many — even in Costa speed on their errand, as we took the 
Rica favor the idea. The most prominent special train for the headlong slide down 
and able among its advocates is Dr. Luis the western slopes of the Cordilleras; it 
Anderson, ex-Minister at Washington, was with a rising confidence of success 
He said to me: that we boarded the Maryland, lying in 

'The Panama Canal will force union the harbor of Puntarenas, and steamed 

among the Republics of Central America, off to Corinto, the port for Managua, the 

It will not be possible for anything but a capital of Nicaragua, 

strong and responsible government, such Perhaps the most abject failure among 

as we can obtain only by union, to face American governments is Nicaragua. It 

the problems that must now confront us. has never known constitutional peace. 

The Monroe Doctrine has been a phrase Its population to-day is only one half 

up to this moment, but it is about to be- what it was seventy-five years ago. Dur- 

come a fact and an object of attack from ing the fifteen years previous to 1900 it 

every side in the world of international had been under the dictatorship of the 

1 84 


infamous Zelaya. In that year the execu- 
tion of two American soldiers of fortune, 
Groce and Cannon, gave the United 
States Government an opportunity to 
interfere morally, and its tacit support 
put the revolutionist Estrada in power. 
1 le was not man enough to stay there, 
and a conference of the leaders, arranged 
under the friendly offices of the United 
States, entered into a compact according 
to which a certain Diaz was to take the 
Presidency until the close of 191 3, by 
which time a popular election should have 
been held. Behind Diaz stands the for- 
midable figure of Luis Mena, a general 
of the Revolution, who, as Diaz's War 
Minister, became the real ruler of the 
nation. Without waiting for the popular 
election, Mena induced the National 
Assembly to elect him President, to take 
seat January first, next. This act is, of 
course, in defiance of the " Dawson Com- 
pact." The choice of the people is un- 
doubtedly Emiliano Chamorro, the most 
dashing of the revolutionary generals, as 
Mena was the most implacable. One of 
the facts which made Mr. Knox's visit 
delicate was the expectation that he would 
announce the position of the United 
States Government with reference to the 
validity of Mena's election. 


Other elements of a pretty situation 
were furnished by the division of Nicara- 
guan sentiment on the question of the 
treaty with the United States, under which 
the national debt is to be taken over by 
New York bankers and the custom house 
placed under the protection of the United 
States. This plan has been fully explained 
in the World's Work; it is similar to that un- 
der which the turbulent Republic of Santo 
Domingo has found peace and is swiftly 
attaining prosperity. The treaty had not 
(at the time of Mr. Knox's visit) bun 
approved by the United States Senate, 
but it had been agreed to b) the Nicar- 
aguan Assembly, and the Government 
was fully committed to it. Indeed, pend- 
ing the final ratification of the treaty, 
Brown Brothers, who had agreed to make 
the loan, Si 5,000,000, had advanced 
$1,500,000, and an American, Clifford D. 

Ham, had been nominated by our Secre- 
tary of State and appointed by the Nicara- 
guan Government Collector-General of 
Customs and was in possession of the 
custom houses. A Claims Commission, 
consisting of one Nicaraguan and' two 
Americans, Mr. A. R. Thompson and Judge 
Schoenrich, was examining claims against 
the Government arising out of the recent 
wars. Finally, two experts, Mr. Charles A. 
Conant, an American, and Mr. Francis C. 
Harrison, an Englishman, after a studv of 
the currency, had laid before the Assembly 
a plan for the rehabilitation of the fiscal 
system, the rate of exchange having fallen to 
about 1800 — that is, the peso being worth 
about six cents instead of a dollar. Some 
other complications need not be explained 
here. It is sufficiently clear how the influ- 
ence of the United States had come to 
dominate in Nicaragua. 

Our Government's attitude, it should be 
clearly comprehended, was not only 
technically correct in every particular, 
but was morally praiseworthy. In an 
hou. of utter internal chaos, it had per- 
suaded the factional leaders to agree on a 
patriotic programme, and it was now 
(at every step by invitation of the estab- 
lished Government) assisting in the 
carrying out of that programme. It had 
recommended expert advisors and adminis- 
trators and had secured a loan sufficient 
to settle the national debt, external and 
internal, on easy terms, to establish a 
stable money system, and to open vistas 
of internal improvement and commercial 

On the other hand, it is not hard to see 
how deeply the patriotic feelings of the 
Nicaraguan with more sentiment than 
practical common sense must be outraged 
by all this — particularly, perhaps, by 
the surrender o\ the custom houses to the 
control o\ the United States. To obtain 
this, legitimately, is. of course, the grand 
end and aim of the United States — for 
the purely humane reason that the cus- 
tom houses once secured from capture by 
revolutionists, revolutions will have no 
object and will cease. The simple fact 

, Nicaraguans have shown themselves 
utterly unable to maintain order them- 
selves, and it is absolutely necessary for the 



Copyright by International News Service 


United States to maintain it for them. A reception committee, which included 
But this is an admission which it is too practically the entire Ministry, and all 
much to expect all Nicaraguans to agree the more important figures of the ruling 
in making. party of the nation, except the President, 
To narrate exactly what befell the Knox came to Corinto and boarded the Mary- 
mission in Nicaragua can do no harm. land, being received with full honors. On 

Copyright by International News Service 


1 86 


landing, Mr. Knox and his party pro- 
ceeded along the pier between a double 
file of soldiers whose rifle-belts were filled 
with ball cartridges, to the principal house 
of the town, where they were offered 
refreshment. The party then boarded a 
train for the capital. The train was pre- 
ceded by a pilot-engine and an armored 
car carrying two Colt's automatic guns, 
and was trailed by another engine and 
cars containing a company of soldiers. 

All along the way the population was 
gathered by the side of the track. At the 
first stop there was cheering, but the 

from a parched land of cane and cactus. 
In the middle of the afternoon we came 
within view of the perfect cone of Momo- 
tombo, which did us the honor of being 
in eruption and whose plume of smoke 
waved over us for the remaining four 
hours of the journey. 

The railroad is of narrow gauge, the 
engines burn wood, and the cars are 
primitive. When the swift twilight fell, 
the light of a stable lantern, hung at one 
end of the car, was all we had. 1 shared a 
narrow seat with the dreaded Mena and 
listened to the storv of his battles — a 

aiional News bcr» 


distinguishable words were "Viva Cha- 
morro!" At other stations considerable 
numbers were congregated and watched 
us , apathetically -the Nicaraguan is an 
apathetic person. At one of the stations, 
hand-bilh denouncing the United States 
and Mr. Knox's visit were thrown into the 
car windows. Leon, the centre of Liberal 
and anti-American sentiment, was passed 
at full speed, through large crowds. 
Here inhospitable epithets were seen 
painted or chalked on walls. The country 
through which the railroad passes skirts 
the Cordilleras, rising in splendid peaks 

splendid Indian he is. three inches over six 
feet tall, despite the stoop of his enormous 
shoulders; a more vigorous Boies Penrose, 
with thirty-two perfect teeth shining in a 
constant smile, made a little sinister by a 
scar on his forehead and by half-shut eyes. 
A body servant kept him well supplied 
with whiskey and water out of a thermal 

We pulled into Managua to find a 
great crowd assembled in the plaza by 
the station, the municipal authorities 
on a platform with an address which the 
alcalde read by the light of an oil lamp. 



By courtesy ot the Pan American 



government; elections occur as with us; the debt is small, and the country's MONEY IS 


By courtesy of the Pan American I'uiou 




1 88 


By courtesy of the Pan American Union 



An arch had been erected at the city gate 
and another before the President's House, 
and all the way between, a mile or more, 
was lined with soldiers and arched over 
with palms and streamers of the national 
colors, white and blue. It was tawdry 
enough, from the point of view of sophis- 
ticated civilization; for the streamers 
were paper and hung so low that the first 
carriage pulled them down, and the palms 
were on poles stuck in the sand and 
fell easily, so that the whole thing was a 
pathetic failure in a few minutes. But 
it was by far the most pretentious welcome 
the capital had ever given a visitor, and 
no one in the party felt otherwise than 
touched and grateful for the sentiment 
which it .expressed. With Spanish cour- 

tesy the President had vacated his roomy 
residence for the Secretary and his family, 
and it had been specially repainted and 
plen'shed with pictures, luxurious furni- 
ture, and elegancies from the houses of the 
wealthier inhabitants. 

The rest of us went to the Legation; 
Mr. Weitzel occupies the best house in the 
town, the house of the exiled Dr. Gamez, 
a Moorish palace of noble dimensions in a 
city of one-story stucco half-buried in 
sand. There we learned that the rumor 
was afloat that our train had been dyna- 
mited and our party annihilated and that 
a hundred conspirators had been arrested. 
Having reason to believe that one part of 
this story was exaggerated, we went to 
bed little worried over the re>t of it. 

ic'ir by International News service 




By courtesy of the Pan American Union 




Morning brought the round of func- 
tions: the exchange of official calls, a 
"solemn session" of the National Assem- 
bly; ditto of the Supreme Court. It 
would be easy to ridicule the shabbiness 
of the tiny rooms in which these meetings 
were held., but it would be impossible to 
doubt the warmth and sincerity of the 
friendliness and gratitude which was ex- 
pressed, or the eloquence of the words 
in which they were expressed. Mr. Knox's 
replies were happy and tactful in the 
extreme. Here, as elsewhere, he was 
speaking always in general terms of the 
policy of the United States toward its 
Southern neighbors; bringing assurance 
of his Government's pure good-will; dis- 
avowing in the strongest language any 

desire on our part to possess a foot of land 
south of the Rio Grande; and making it 
clear that we have no wish to do more than 
render friendly assistance in the task of 
establishing external tranquillity and pro- 
moting internal prosperity in the Central 
American republics. 

Mr. Knox does this to perfection; he 
is happy in phrase, wise in utterance and 
in reservation, forceful, and unquestion- 
ably convincing. At a public reception 
given by the President in the afternoon 
and at a banquet at night the Secretary ex- 
changed sentiments with the heads of the 
Government. In Nicaragua's capital he 
spoke five times, each time most effec- 
tively, in public; and he saw privately, 
though always openly, many leading 

Copyright by International News Serwce 









■%-^-j ^j 



By courtesy o! the Tan American Union 



citizens, to all of whom he reiterated the 
unequivocal statement of our position. 
He refused to discuss particular problems 
and carefully refrained from recognizing 
or giving any hint of approval to local 
factions or measures. 

About noon of the day of the visit to 
Managua, a committee of journalists 
called at the Legation and informed me 
that their papers had been suspended 
during our visit and a number of their 
colleagues thrown into prison, together 
with other citizens of Liberal views, chiefly 
the signers of a lengthy pronunciamento 
opposing the Government. The state- 
ment of this committee we ascertained 
to be true. It can only be regarded as a 

great error on the part of the Government, 
calculated to do injustice and harm both 
to Mr. Knox and his mission and to the 
Nicaraguan people. It is true that Latin- 
America has yet to learn to distinguish 
between liberty and license, but it is un- 
fortunate that the visit of a special envoy 
bringing the friendly greetings of the 
freest of Republics should have been 
signalized in Nicaragua by the suspension 
of freedom of the press and a round-up 
of the Government's opponents. From 
what I was able to observe, precaution 
for the safety of the mission did not make 
necessary either these steps or the re- 
markable armed protection by which we 
were constantly surrounded. It is true 

<■ ' the Pan American i'nion 





By courtesy of the Pan American Union 



that word was received on the ship, from 
the Acting American Consul at Port 
Limon, that dynamite had been dis- 
covered under the railroad tracks over 
which we passed, and that Captain 
Ellicott, finding the wires to the Capital 
cut, hurried up to Managua with several 
of his officers; true that the Consul 
assured me that his information was first- 
hand and certain. It is true that the 
Government immediately arrested fifty 
men on the positive charge of conspiring 
against the Secretary's life. It is true that 
threatening letters were received by 
members of our party and that a black 
flag was waved before us. But we saw 
no dynamite. 

The journey back to the port was made 
under even increased military protection. 
A machine gun commanded the plaza 
about the Managua station. Two rapid- 
fire automatics behind a pilot-engine 
commanded both sides of the line as we 
traveled, a company of infantry with 
loaded rifles in their hands and filled 
ammunition belts about their waists 
followed us, and men with revolvers hung 
for instant action stood throughout the 
journey on the platforms of the special 
car. Nothing happened. 

It is a little difficult to arrive at a judg- 
ment of the results of the Nicaraguan 
visit. Except for the blunder of the 
Government, there can be little doubt 

By courtesy of the Pan American Union 





union. We shall have internal peace now 
and there is no limit to our possibilities. 
But we must do everything with pure 
patriotism, with calmness and reason, 
showing that we deserve that high place 
to which we aspire and for which nature 
has so abundantly equipped us." 

Mena said to me: "A railroad to New 
York in five years? Yes, in three!" 

In fact the possibilities for prosperity 
in Nicaragua are great. Here is rubber, 
and here can be grown two crops of sugar 
a year. Many representatives of foreign 
capital, having looked the country over, 
are ready to invest, if only stable govern- 
ment can be established. The treaty now 
that the happiest influence would have awaiting approval by the Senate of the 
flowed from the presence and words of United States is the only plan that 
the Secretary of State; in spite of that promises Nicaragua stable government. 


~ ■■ 

Ir^i HBM 

S9| ' k 





blunder it is likely that the ideas and aims 
of the United States will now be more 
clearly understood and the bogie of 
annexation laid. The failure of the Mena 
party to obtain any assurance from Mr. 
Knox that we would recognize the validity 
of the election of the military chief - - to 
do them justice they did not ask for any 

If it fails, God help this people, these sad- 
faced, dull-witted Indians, living pathet- 
ically in their wilderness under their 
ragged thatches, robbed and driven for cen- 
turies by insane raiders till not one family 
in a score has a cow or a crock or a stitch 
besides the calico or jeans they wear — or 
has the ambition to possess what they 

such assurance — is immensely gratifying would only expect to be robbed of to- 
to the better element of the country, morrow. For these people and for this 
though naturally the supporters of country as much can be done as we did 
Chamorro are sorry the Secretary did not for Cuba, and done without the firing of a 
say that the popular election must be shot. Zelava was worse than W'evler- 
held. "God pity the country if the 
Secretary goes away without saying that," 
was an exclamation 1 heard on several 
lips. His opponents will tell you that 
Mena is at heart a Nero, a Zelaya, and 
that the land is powerless before him and 
his army. 

Chamorro's is the more pleasing per- 
sonality; a finer specimen of his type it 
would be hard to find; more of a man of 
the world than Mena, more balanced, 
though less exuberant of expression. The 
two . favorites agree in their rosy dreams 
of the future. 

"In five years," Chamorro said to me, 
" it will be possible to take a through train 
from this city in which we are sitting to 
New York. By that time all Central 
America will be united. Yes, we all 

....... couttcs) of the Pan American Union 

believe in that Union, but for m) part, I THE pQpuLAR ,„ KOOF NICARAGUA 

don t want to see it forced. want 


physical drawing together to bring political vgainsi ..ineral mena 



we did not have to go to war to throw his 
yoke off of the neck of a persecuted land ; 
and to keep off of it some other equally 
intolerable tyranny, to light it up to real 
civilization, we have only to give our 
assurance that the custom houses shall 
no longer be prizes of constant revolutions. 
It would be a woeful failure in humane 
duty for the Senate to refuse to extend 
that small and inexpensive assistance. 

It was not quite all hard work. There 
were wonderful nights in the moon-lit 
Caribbean, and still more wonderful ones 
in the Pacific after the copper sun had 
dropped into the sea and left the sky to the 

tween the western ports of the capitals of 
Central America, and the spectacle of 
mountain grandeur that unfolds as the 
steamer lies off Puntarenas or makes her 
way into the Bay of Fonseca, crowded 
with volcanoes rising sheer out of the 
water, would be hard to excel. And it is 
pleasant to see, of a fresh morning, a little 
fort, half-hid among the palms, blossom 
out with the white smoke of a salute. 

There is fun a-plenty, too. A ship's 
ward-room is about the liveliest place in 
the world, and no party of fifteen, even 
with a Prime Minister at the head of it, 
is likely to be long aboard without finding 
out how fond the sailor-man of everv 


stars and our search-lights. In this zone 
and season the constellations of the early 
evening are more brilliant than on the 
clearest winter's night at home; toward 
morning they grow fainter, and the 
Southern Cross swims into the empty 
region whose darkness it is that lends its 
special brilliance to the famous stellar 
group. But of all wonderful visions at 
sea, surely the most wonderful is the scene 
when a warship stretches out over the 
waters her eight fairy wands of light, 
touching the waves into enormous liquid 
emeralds, turning the smoke into clouds 
of white fire, or lighting up the Cordilleran 
peaks two miles away. For the lofty coast 
is nearly always in sight on a cruise be- 

degree is of "kidding" and skylarking 
— whether it be the boat's crew ashore 
who, asked to teach the natives our 
national hymn, solemnly sing "Nix on 
the Glow-worm, Lena," while the "Spig- 
goties" stand uncovered; or the wheels- 
man of the pinnace who, bringing a dark- 
skinned, "plug"-hatted cabinet minister 
aboard, when the gun-salute begins and 
the minister stands up in the boat, wick- 
edly lies to in the trough of the sea, while 
the captain of marines has the band play 
the "Oceana Roll." 

[Next month Mr. Hale will continue his 
account of Secretary Knox's visit to Central 
America. — The Editors.] 

Copyright by Brown Bros. 






FORTY-THREE years ago, when 
this country was trying to ad- 
vance from the shadow of Civil 
War, there came hither from 
I lamburg a German youth, 
Hermann Sielcken. His fortune was all 
before him. He got a job as a clerk 
in a Western railroad office. He clerked 
it again in San Francisco. He experi- 
enced hardship and adventure on the 
sheep ranges. Then, with his fortune still 
to seek, he came to New York. In 1876 
he made his first trip to South America. 
Subsequent trips were tinctured with ex- 
citement — shipwreck and the dangers of 
travel through the wilderness. It all 
required a certain amount of courage. 

The purpose of these trips was not 
adventure but trade. Hermann Sielcken 
began them as traveling salesman for an 

old and reputable firm of merchants, 
Henry Crossman & Bro. They dealt in 
hardware mostly and Hermann Sielcken 
disposed of it, from hammers to bridges, so 
successfully in South America that he was 
soon taken into partnership. He had a 
business head, superb tact, and he acquired 
a keen appreciation of the Latin tempera- 
ment. No one understands better than 
he the exigencies of South American trade. 
So say those that heard him lecture on 
that subject at Harvard University, some 

years ago. 

Among other things in South America, 
Hermann Sielcken studied the Brazilian 
coffee crop carefullv. In 1880 the firm of 
Crossman & Sielcken began to enter the 
New York wholesale coffee market. About 
1887, a few firms led by Arbuckle Bros, 
attempted to corner that market. Her- 





mann Sielcken knew more about the coffee 
crop than they did. He flooded the New 
York Coffee Exchange with coffee till the 
Arbuckle combine had enough. Then he 
kept on selling till the market began to 
fall, and the Arbuckle crowd were forced 
to sell to save their skin. It required a 
great deal of courage, for he almost broke 
his own firm in the process. 

Thereafter he was regarded on the 
market as "a. good bear." About 1900 
his firm was retained by the so-called 
Sugar Trust to manage a retail price- 
cutting coffee fight against Arbuckle Bros., 
in retaliation for their activities in sugar. 
Amid all this perilous speculation and keen 
competition these rivals in business seem 
to have prospered measurably, for by 
1906 Arbuckle Bros, and Crossman & 
Sielcken stood out as the most powerful 
coffee traders in America, with the latter 
somewhat in the lead. 

Meanwhile, I lennann Sielcken had found 
some of thai fortune he came to America 
to seek. At least he was possessed of the 
most beautiful estate in South Germany, 
Villa Maria I lalden, near Baden Baden. 

Here he had grown fond of resting beneath 
the tall pines from Oregon that grace the 
front of his villa — gratifying his fondness 
for flowers by gazing down upon his thous- 
ands of rose trees that stretch away toward 
the edge of the Black Forest — gratifying 
his fondness for children by arranging with 
the Duchess of Baden for the building of a 
hospital for poor mothers — gratifying his 
fondness for friends by showing them hi;> 
orchids, his pigeons, his trout, and, most 
prized of all, the two coffee trees from 
Brazil, carefully nurtured in his green- 
houses; or by dining with fifteen or twenty 
of them on his garden terrace, "as the 
moon comes up through the tall hemlocks 
of the mountains, while a full military 
band from Heidelberg, adown the hillside 
among the rose trees, mingles its refrains 
in the dinner discussions." 

During the thirty years that it had taken 
Hermann Sielcken to earn the right thus 
to lay aside somewhat the cares of business, 
a great change in coffee conditions had 
taken place down in Brazil. When he was 
a traveling salesman there, the Brazilians 
raised less than half the world's coffee. 
































































































































































mostly in the state of Rio, almost none in 
the state of Sao Paulo. Coffee drinking 
began to increase apace, especially in the 
United States. By 1890, the wholesale 
price of coffee was more than 17 cents a 
pound, and still only a little more than half 
the world's supply came from Brazil. For 
the next six years her planters enjoyed 
an intoxicating prosperity. During that 
period nearly all the three million in- 
habitants of the state of Sao Paulo "en- 
tirely gave up planting corn, rice, beans, 
everything they needed. They bought 
them, because coffee was so immensely 
profitable that they put all their labor in 

It takes from three to five years for a 
new coffee tree to come into bearing, but 
by 1897 Sao Paulo's sudden rush into the 
field began to tell. That year the whole- 
sale price of coffee was only a trifle above 
7 cents a pound. It declined year by year, 
till between 1901 and 1903 it hung around 
5 cents a pound. Hard times for the 
planters set in. The Sao Paulo Govern- 
ment declared a tax on any new coffee 
plantations, hoping to drive the inhabi- 
tants back to raising corn and rice and 
beans, but it was a vain hope. They 
mortgaged their plantations and went right 
on raising larger coffee crops than all the 

rest of the world put together. Hard 
times grew harder. Mortgages began to 
be foreclosed right and left. Plantations 
were falling, into foreign hands. The Sao 
Paulo planters were in ugly mood, and 
they demanded that the state Govern- 
ment restore prosperity. There was grave 
danger of a revolution. In the face of it, 
the Government promised that it would 
itself buy up a large proportion of the next 
coffee crop at a price above the market. 

The scheme was not new. In 1890, 
when the silver miners in our own West 
were suffering from overproduction, Secre- 
tary Windom had suggested that our Gov- 
ernment "help the price of silver" by 
buying it and holding it in the Treasury 
till there should be a shortage. The idea 
was laughed down in the United States. 
But in [906 the Sao Paulo Government was 
determined to try it on coffee. The only 
thing lacking was the read) cash. So the 
Government appointed a special commis- 
sioner to find it. 

1 le went first to Paris, to the Roths- 
childs, who had been the bankers of Brazil 
for sixty years. He was "flatly and at 
once refused." So was he by all the other 
bankers of Kurope. Then the Com- 
missioner bethought him of the coffee 
merchants. Who of them all could under- 



Fazcnda , lopercit)" - S. Minoel. 



stand conditions in Brazil so well as Her- 
mann Sielcken? — and he was conveniently 
resting at his place near Baden Baden. 
Thither the Commissioner repaired in 
August, 1906, and explained the situation. 

"Well, what do you want us to do?" 
asked Hermann Sielcken. 

" We want you to finance for us five to 
eight million bags of coffee," said the 
Commissioner, blandly. 

Here was an adventure. Here was a 
proposition to lift bodily out of the market 
half as much coffee as the world's total 
production had averaged for the ten pre- 
ceding years when prices had been so low. 
Presumably, if this were done, prices would 
be doubled. But Hermann Sielcken shook 
his head. 

"No," he said, "there is not the slightest 
chance for it, not the slightest." And he 
pointed out that there would be "no 
financial assistance coming from any- 
where" if the Sao Paulo planters kept on 
raising such ridiculously large crops of 

The Commissioner assured him that the 
prospect was for smaller crops in future. 
Hermann Sielcken was not so sure about 

I "At a price low enough — ," he mused. 
" 1 might be able to raise funds to pav 80 

The Commissioner was dismayed. His 
Government had already promised to take 
coffee from the planters at about a cent 
a pound above the market, and the market 
then stood at nearly 8 cents. The Govern- 
ment would have to dig to make up the 
difference. Hermann Sielcken's terms were 
the best that could be got, however, and 
the Commissioner accepted them. 

Thus was launched the famous " Valori- 
zation Coffee Plan." From that time forth 
Hermann Sielcken's part in it became "a 
very active one." He approached a few 
large coffee merchants. Arbuckle Bros., 
his former business rivals, were the first 
to join him in this new kind of speculation. 
Two or three other firms followed. "We 
are going to finance it downward," Her- 
mann Sielcken told them. He explained 
that if the Brazilians knew they could 
get enough money to buy six or eight mil- 
lion bags of coffee there would be no hold- 
ing them, and that the merchants would 
simply be lending money to have the 
market put up suddenly on themselves. 

So Hermann Sielcken drew up a con- 
tract. In it the merchants agreed to 
advance 80 per cent, of the sum required 
to buy two million bags of coffee at 7 cents 
a pound. If the market went above 7 
cents the Government was to make no 
purchases. If it fell below 7 cents the 



Government was to make good the dif- 
ference to the merchants by cable. The 
Government further agreed not to buy in 
any event more than 500,000 bags of cof- 
fee per month from October 1, 1906, to 
February 1, 1907, the principal crop season. 
Before that season was well advanced 
the unexpected was happening. The Bra- 
zilians were harvesting the biggest coffee 
crop in the world's history. The market 
quickly dropped below 7 cents and went 
on falling. By the end of January, 1907, 
the Sao Paulo Government had purchased 

Baden Baden that there was "not the 
slightest chance for it," Hermann Sielcken, 
with the aid of some forty merchants, had 
financed for Sao Paulo the purchase of 
8,357,500 bags of coffee. 

But Sao Paulo wasn't satisfied. During 
this first year of "Valorization," the Bra- 
zilian coffee crop had run to almost 20 
million bags. Those planters who had 
been able to sell to the Government had 
received about a cent a pound above the 
market, but they had been obliged to pay 
half of that back in the form of an export 


(sixth figure from the right at the long table) the genius of the valorization agreement 

by which the price of coffee has been forced up; at a dinner of the 

coffee roasters' traffic and pure food association in chicago 

the 2,000,000 bags of coffee. But that 
was only a drop in the bucket, and the 
Government was clamoring for more money 
with which to stem the tide. 

Hermann Sielcken and the merchants 
with him saw the wisdom of that. If the 
tide were not stemmed, it would spread 
abroad in the world so much coffee that 
the two million bags, the security of the 
merchants, would be worthless. I lermann 
Sielcken became very active, and "all 
over France and Germany and Belgium 
brought in every one who could help carry 
the load." And in little more than a year 
since he had told the Commissioner at 

tax on coffee to enable the Government to 
earn its loans. Toward the end of 1907, 
although Sao Paulo had lifted half the 
world's visible supply of coffee, the market 
stood only a trifle above (> cents a pound. 
That was not at all the Brazilian planter's 
idea of prosperity. 

Things grew no better during 1908. 
Although the next coffee crop turned out 
much smaller, the world's supply was still 
SO far in excess of the demand that the 
market remained down. The Sao Paulo 
planters continued grumblingly to pav 
the export tax, but that all went as in- 
trust to the merchants. The Govern- 


20 1 

ment of Sao Paulo had spent not only the 
merchants' money but also all its own 
funds on Valorization, and was rapidly 
going bankrupt. In desperation it sold, 
sub rosa, 1,300,000 bags of the coffee that 
was the merchants' security. 

The merchants began to have misgiv- 
ings. There was not the slightest pros- 
pect of Sao Paulo's being able to pay off 
their loans. If it came to throwing the 
purchased coffee on the low market, their 
securities would go for a mere song. Where 
was the profitable speculation into which 
Hermann Sielcken had led them? They 
made it plain that they didn't want to 
help carry the loan any longer. There 
were signs of mutiny aboard the good ship 
Valorisation in 1908. 


It was a year of especial activity for 
Hermann Sielcken. He went straight to 
the Rothschilds and proved to them what 
a profitable speculation it would be if 
only they and a few big bankers would take 
the places of the merchants in the Valoriza- 
tion Coffee Plan. He pointed out that 
there still remained more than 7 million 
bags of coffee as security after the surrep- 
titious sales of the Sao Paulo Government. 
Valued at 6^ cents a pound, the market 
price at that time, it would more than pay 
off the loans which stood against it. None 
of the merchants had advanced more than 
five and six tenths cents a pound on it, most 
of them much less; on a great deal of it only 
4 cents a pound had been advanced. Of 
course, the coffee would not bring 6J cents 
if thrown on the market now. But if it 
could be held, it could be gradually and 
profitably disposed of during a period of, 
say, ten years — especially if something 
could really be done meanwhile to help 
the price of coffee 

The Rothschilds had some suggestions; 
they knew Brazil. They replied that such 
a loan could not be considered unless the 
coffee as security for it be shipped from 
Brazil and placed in the hands of bankers 
for safe-keeping and subsequent disposal. 
That would involve carrying charges, costs 
of management, etc., etc. Then there 
would be nearly $4,000,000 in interest to 
pay the first year. The present export 

tax on coffee in Sao Paulo, less than one 
half a cent a pound, was too low Sao 
Paulo must about double it. 

But, Hermann Sielcken pointed out, 
taxes are just what the planters were ob- 
jecting to down there. 

Then, the Rothschilds felt, they must 
be taught how to get rid of taxes. They 
are growing at present 85 per cent, of the 
world's coffee. If, instead of constantly 
offering more coffee than was wanted, they 
saw to it that the world got somewhat 
less than it needed, other nations would 
pay all the taxes on coffee. The Federal 
Government of Brazil should interest itself 
in this matter. It collected a tax on coffee, 
called the pouta, 9 per cent, of the market 
price in Brazilian ports. By doing some- 
thing to help the price of coffee, Brazil 
would relieve her citizens of that burden 
and increase her own revenues at the same 
time. Let her pass a national law imposing 
a heavy penalty on any one that planted 
a new coffee tree in Brazil, and let it be 
made effective by the appointment of 
Federal inspectors to go strictly about the 
country and tear up any new trees. The 
result would take a little time, of course. 
But meanwhile Sao Paulo could do some- 
thing at once to help the price of coffee. 
The state Government could guarantee that 
not more than 9 million bags of her next 
coffee crop should be exported, nor more 
than 10 million of any succeeding crop. 

Mr. Sielcken thought that these condi- 
tions would be agreed to, because the 
Government was in such a bad way down in 
Brazil that they would do almost anything. 

Well, then, if Sao Paulo would issue 
bonds, and if the Federal Government of 
Brazil would guarantee them, the Roths- 
childs would take a portion, provided other 
bankers would take the rest. 

Hermann Sielcken hurried around to 
other bankers. In December, 1908, every- 
thing was settled. The Sao Paulo Govern- 
ment got $75,000,000, promptly paid off 
the original loans of the merchants, and 
had a tidy little sum left to go on with. 


So the coffee merchants were eliminated 
from Valorization — all but Hermann 
Sielcken. When the six bankers closed 


the deal, they each appointed a represen- New York Coffee Exchange ruled higher 

tative, who, with one from the Sao for 1909 and the Bankers' Committee 

Paulo Government, comprised a commit- offered for sale 500,000 bags of Valoriza- 

tee charged with the future management tion coffee, half of which was sold by Her- 

of the affair. On this committee the only mann Sielcken in New York. 

American was Hermann Sielcken, repre- The year 1910 opened in the midst of a 

senting the American underwriters of the season when a still larger coffee crop was 

loan, a minor interest of but #10,000,000. being harvested in Brazil, and yet the 

Thus completely refitted, Valorisation market on the New York Coffee Exchange 

put to sea again to sail in shoal waters no stood at 8| cents. Again the annual 

more. And Hermann Sielcken's part in it sale of the Bankers' Committee was an- 

remained a very active function on the nounced, 600,000 bags, half of which were 

Bankers' Committee. The future of Val- disposed of in New York by Hermann 

orization depended upon being able to Sielcken. Then in the middle of May he 

dispose favorably of the Valorization sailed for Europe and repaired to his 

coffee. Such of it as might be allotted country estate at Baden Baden 

to America was to be disposed of under He was no more than comfortably settled 

the sole management of Hermann Siel- there than the price of coffee on the New 

cken. America drinks more than half of York Coffee Exchange began to jump up, 

the world's coffee. The price of a com- till on the last day of 1910 it stood at 13^ 

modity is fixed by the world's best market cents. It had stood at 6^ cents in Decem- 

for it, and the price of coffee in Havre, ber, 1908, when the bankers agreed to 

Hamburg, London, and even in Brazil come into Valorization. Here was a rise 

follows closely the price on the New York of more than 100 per cent, in two years — 

Exchange. To offer any considerable a rise of 60 per cent, in six months, 

quantity of coffee on that Exchange would During those six months, Hermann 

naturally cause the market to break all Sielcken, though at his country seat in 

over the world, and that would be bad for Germany, was active. Early in 191 1, when 

Valorization. Hermann Sielcken's task was the coffee market stood well above 13 

a delicate one. cents, Hermann Sielcken made a flying 

trip to attend the meeting of the Bankers' 

the steady rise in price Committee in Paris. There it was decided 

No sooner had the Bankers' Committee that they would sell double the usual 
taken hold of Valorization than the price quantity of coffee that year, 1,200,000 
of coffee on the New York Coffee Exchange bags. Word came by cable that 600,000 
began to go up. It was 6| cents all bags had been sold by Hermann Sielcken 
through December, 1908, when the deal in New York. And we have his own word 
was closed. By the middle of January, for it that those sales of .191 1 cleaned up 
1900, it had jumped to 7 cents; by the end $25,000,000," or one third of the loan from 
of February it was 8 cents — although a less than one. sixth of the coffee." 
larger crop than the preceding year was Evidently Valorization coffee in the 
being harvested down in Brazil. Sao hands of the Bankers' Committee had 
Paulo was worried about restricting ex- become gilt edge security. But how? 
ports, and proposed instead that she should During the five crop years since the " Plan" 
make assurance sure b} collecting a tenth was launched on the heights above Baden, 
of her coffee crop every year and dumping nearly 90,000,000 bags of coffee had been 
it into the sea. This the Bankers' Com- raised in the work!. The Bankers' Com- 
mittee solemnly approved. A similar mit tee still held s. 100,000 bags of this. At 
intention on the part of the Dutch long the highest estimate, consumption had 
ago had been branded by Adam Smith in exceeded production by only 5.200,000 
his "Wealth of Nations" as "a savage bags. Here was a shortage of only a little 
policy." The press of the world so more than 10 per cent, in supply as against 
branded this, and it was abandoned, demand, so far as crops go. Yet there had 
Nevertheless, the price of coffee on the been a rise of more than 100 per cent in 



two years in the price of coffee on the New 
York Coffee Exchange.' 

On public exchanges, commodities like 
coffee are dealt in, to a great extent, "on 
option," that is, for future delivery. On 
the exchange the relations of traders are 
interlaced with obligations to buy and 
sell coffee at some later time. Many of 
these obligations may be discharged with- 
out the actual passage of coffee from hand 
to hand, but when the buyer demands it 
the seller must produce the goods. Mer- 
chants may provide against such con- 
tingencies by carrying a considerable stock 
of coffee, but, as that requires capital, it 
is more common to buy an option every 
time you sell one. To fail in a delivery 
means exclusion from the exchange. When 
coffee is plentiful there is no difficulty 
about making deliveries on the exchange. 
When coffee is scarce, the necessity of 
merchants to obtain it for the purpose of 
making delivery causes the price to rise 
on the exchange. Thus, upon the mer- 
chant's ability to deliver coffee on the 
New York Coffee Exchange depends the 
price of coffee in the world. 


That explains why the Bankers' Com- 
mittee from the beginning refused abso- 
lutely to sell Valorization coffee on the 
public exchanges of the world. In Europe 
they put it up at auction, and when it 
didn't go, it was bought in for them. In 
America, they announced in a printed 
circular that Valorization coffee would be 
sold only on condition that the purchaser 
would not deliver it on the New York 
Coffee Exchange. 

Delicate indeed was Hermann Sielcken's 
task in selling coffee thus at New York. 
He took no chances. At the first official 
offerings of Valorization coffee, many old- 
fashioned merchants, with certified check 
in hand, came to Hermann Sielcken's 
office to buy. They were told that they 
could not have any. They might use it 
in a speculative way on the Exchange. 
Valorization coffee must go as directly as 
possible to the consumer. 

The merchants v/ere puzzled by this 
idea, and they were surprised during the 
latter half of 1910 to find that the idea 

had a still broader application. That was 
the period when the price of coffee on the 
New York Coffee Exchange rose suddenly 
60 per cent. Arbuckle Bros, were buying 
heavily as if they would corner the market. 
There were no "good bears" now to inter- 
fere. Hermann Sielcken was resting at 
his villa at Baden Baden. 


The merchants waited till the time 
should come for Arbuckle Bros, to sell. 
It never came on the New York Coffee 
Exchange. The merchants wondered how 
Arbuckle Bros, could keep on buying in- 
definitely. Then it was discovered that 
they were selling coffee at the same time. 
They had adopted the Valorization method 
of private sale, and they exacted of the 
buyer a written contract that he would not 
deliver the coffee on the New York Coffee 
Exchange, nor resell it to any one that 
would so deliver it. 

One concern that thus bought a lot of 
coffee from Arbuckle Bros., resold it to 
some merchants who held to the old- 
fashioned theory that one may do what 
he likes with his own. When these mer- 
chants attempted to deliver this coffee 
on the New York Coffee Exchange, they 
found that their coffee was still in the 
Arbuckle warehouse. Arbuckle Bros, re- 
fused to relinquish it. They pointed to 
the original agreement. Then the mer- 
chants that had bought and paid for this 
coffee appealed to the New York Coffee 
Exchange. An investigating committee 
was appointed. When the committee 
assembled to hear the complaint, there 
was none to hear. The aggrieved mer- 
chants had withdrawn it. 

But the committee investigated. Before 
them the manager of Arbuckle Bros', 
coffee department frankly testified that 
not only his firm but several others were 
in the habit of selling coffee on condition 
that it should not be delivered on the 
Exchange. He seemed anxious to show 
that it was a trade custom to keep coffee 
off the Exchange. But the New York 
Coffee Exchange, the coffee market of 
America — where the price of coffee is 
determined for the entire world — did not 
seem to feel itself discriminated against. 



although a majority of the coffee merchants 
of America were badly in need of coffee 
The Exchange laid the report of its com- 
mittee on the table, where, perhaps, it 
still awaits future students of speculation. 


Again a Southern firm was offered a lot 
of coffee by Arbuckle Bros, at a price 
slightly below the market. These con- 
venient sales of theirs have been made 
chiefly in the West and South where the 
purchaser can be trusted to keep away 
from the New York Coffee Exchange and 
put the coffee "directly into consumption." 
But this Southern firm secretly sold the 
coffee to a New York wholesaler, who 
gleefully paid them an advance and then 
delivered the coffee on the New York 
Coffee Exchange at a further advance — 
to Arbuckle Bros. Obviously you cannot 
keep the price up on an exchange by buy- 
ing everything in sight if you are made to 
swallow again at a higher price coffee you 
thought you had disposed of at private sale. 

Thus the new method of "selling coffee 
with a string to it" had its little difficulties. 
It even had its dangers. Some people 
tried the same scheme, about this time, on 
the New York Cotton Exchange. The 
Department of Justice swooped down on 
them and indicted nine American citizens 
for conspiracy in restraint of trade, and 
began trying to put them in jail. 

Shortly after the Valorization sales of 
1911 had cleaned up $25,000,000, the 
Bankers' Committee suddenly announced 
that the restriction as to the delivery of 
Valorization coffee on the New York 
Coffee Exchange was removed. Arbuckle 
Bros, made no more written contracts at 
their private sales. Yet, during the latter 
half of 191 1 , the price of coffee on the New 
York Coffee Exchange began to jump up 
again, with Arbuckle Bros, again busing 
everything in sight. In November, iqii. 
the market almost touched 16 cents a 

In that month Hermann Sielcken made 
a visit to America. " I do not own a bag 
of coffee.' he said; "and I believe Arbuckle 
has the only substantial stock of coffee 
now in existence outside of the Govern- 
ment of Brazil." Yet neither from Ar- 

buckle Bros, nor from Hermann Sielcken 
could anybody buy any coffee to de- 
liver on the New York Coffee Exchange. 
The following January, Hermann Sielcken 
sailed away again, for London, to attend 
the annual meeting of the Bankers' Com- 
mittee. Shortly thereafter came the cable 
announcement that 700,000 bags of Val- 
orization coffee had been sold this year, 
400,000 of them in New York. 


Thus a total of 3,000,000 bags of Valor- 
ization coffee has gone "directly into con- 
sumption" in three years. For the past 
two years Arbuckle Bros, have bought 
most of the coffee offered on the New York 
Coffee Exchange, and what they have sold 
of it at private sale has also gone directly 
into consumption. And yet during 191 1 
Americans have had to pay 25 cents a pound 
retail for the cheapest coffee fit to drink — 
which cost 1 5 cents a pound in 1910. That 
is an advance of only ifa of a cent a cup 
on the coffee drunk in America. But it 
cleaned up last year more than $ 100,000.000 
from American breakfast tables. 

And this has been accomplished because 
the Valorization restrictions on coffee 
trees and on coffee exports down in Brazil, 
plus the Valorization method of private 
sale up in New York, have compelled the 
American coffee merchants to stand and 
deliver all their surplus stocks of coffee 
upon the New York Coffee Exchange. 

Those merchants cannot replace those 
stocks; they have to buy now from hand 
to mouth at whatever price the Exchange 
affords. They find that in two years their 
cost of doing business has been doubled. 
They are daring each other to pass it all on 
to the breakfast table by adding another 10 
cents a pound to the retail price of coffee 
as "the only means of rousing public 
opinion." If they do this an additional 
$200,000,000 will be cleaned up from the 
American breakfast table this year. Then 
the net result of Valorization will be 
entirely "up to" the consumer. 

Si 00,000,000 IN PROFITS 

The good ship Valorisation will make 
port in K)i2. She was chartered in 1908 
lor a cruise of ten years. She has accom- 



plished it in little more than three. In 
that time she has picked up not only all 
of the $75,000,000 advanced by the 
bankers, but about $10,000,000 or more 
necessary to retire the Sao Paulo bonds at 
par; also another odd $10,000,000 to pay 
interest on the bonds; also all carrying 
charges on the purchased coffee and all 
salaries and expenses of management by 
the Bankers' Committee. In this brief 
adventure Valorization has quietly gath- 
ered from the American breakfast table 
half the export tax on coffee, imposed in 
Brazil to make possible a loan the purpose 
of which was to put up the price of coffee 
on the world. From the same American 
breakfast table Valorization has gathered 
half the pouta, the federal tax on coffee 
in Brazil, from which the Government 
buys battleships and pays for campaigns 
in tea-drinking countries — especially Eng- 
land — to increase the use of coffee, while in 
Brazil everything is being done to decrease 
production and exports. 

To the Brazilian planter, Valorization 
brings, at present market prices, a profit 
of nearly 200 per cent, on his coffee crop, 
over and above all costs of production, 
taxes, exchange, and transportation from 
the interior of Brazil to the coffee ports of 
the world. 

Above all, Valorisation has now, safely 
stowed away between decks, 4,400,000 
bags of coffee, which, if the present market 
is maintained, and the stock is carefully 
sold away from the exchanges, is worth, 
to be exact — at 14^ cents a pound (to- 
day's quotation on the New York Coffee 
Exchange) just $8,485,400,000. 

Will the good ship put to sea again, 
either under her old name or with a fresh 
coat of paint, and will the American break- 
fast table continue to furnish half the 
expenses of the argosy? 

Ask our fellow citizen, Captain Sielcken, 
as, on his garden terrace on the heights 
above Baden, he rests from the stormy seas 
of speculation. 







WAR is dying. It dies 
because it cannot pay 
its way. It dies be- 
cause, through the 
spread of education 
and the demands of commerce, no 
part of the civilized world can be suffered 
to engage in a life and death struggle with 
any other part. The nations are no longer 
separate entities, but each is a part in a 
unified whole to which international war 
is mischievous and hateful. 

In his clever pcem, "The Peace of 
Dives," Mr. Rudyard Kipling tells us the 
story of the passing of war. It seems that 

Dives, wicked, rich, and in Torment, 
asked for release, offering in exchange to 
bring peace to the world. So he went out 
among the nations selling "sea-power" 
and land-power, and "the dry decreeing 
blade." The nations bought freely, pledg- 
ing the future for all sorts of weapons, 
but were so tied up at last in the bonds of 
debt that none of them could fight. Thus 
Dives brought peace to the world, and such 
peace we have with us to-day. 

We understand, of course, that Kipling's 
story is but a parable. The rich man was 
not wicked, but sturdy, honest, and long- 
headed. His name was not Dives, and 



he was not in Torment. He lived in a 
narrow, seven-story, high-gabled house in 
Frankfort-on-the-Main. From the swing- 
ing red shield of his pawnbroker's shop he 
got the name of " Rothschild," and the 
story of his rise to power and that of his 
successors is the story of the passing of war. 

It was a strange period in which he 
lived, the end of the eighteenth century. 
In that period we have the effective rise 
of popular government. With this came 
peace within the nations, the extension of 
education, the rise of science and of its 
double, mechanical invention, and the 
great increase in the wealth of the people. 

When representative government was 
established, a nation as such could borrow 
money. Kings had been poor pay. The 
pledges of parliaments, however, were 
safe investments. The chief business of 
nations was still war, and diplomacy was its 
handmaid. By means of secret deals, 
artificial friendships, and artificial enmi- 
ties, diplomacy could spy out the land. 
It could find places where war would be 
safe and profitable and it could find pre- 
texts to begin war with good grace. Wars 
have been rarely fought for causes. Mostly 
diplomacy has offered only pretexts. 

"the unseen empire of finance" 

Meanwhile science made war more 
and more effective and vastly more costly. 
Warships changed from wooden tubs 
costing perhaps Si 2,000 to gigantic float- 
ing fortresses worth $12,000,000, with all 
else in proportion. The people could not 
pay for these things, and ran into debt 
for them, England first, and after her all 
the other nations, each in its degree. 
Here was Dives's opportunity. The great 
house of Rothschild, its five branches 
knowing no country, was prepared to take 
a nation into pawn, all for a moderate per- 
centage, "absorbing" its bonds and plac- 
ing them where they would "do the 
must good." Allied with this house as 
partners or as rivals in the same business 
of giant "pawnbroking," were a dozen 
other similar establishments, and little 
by little, into the hands of this group con- 
st it uting the so-called "Unseen Empire 
Of Finance." fell the control of Europe. 

lo control a railway it is not necessary 

to own it, only to administer its debts. 
The same is true of nations. Thus it 
came about that in all matters of war, 
peace, and finance, the international 
bankers had the last word. At first, the 
control was more or less a matter of 
dominating personality, but in time, 
with the vast increase in the complexity 
of business ramifications, it has naturally 
become more and more impersonal and 
automatic. Lord Rosebery has said that 
" Royalty is no longer a political but a 
social function." This is another way of 
saving that the will of no individual is 
now supreme as opposed to the common 
interests of the people. With the economic 
growth of the last thirty years has come 
a parallel change in financial domination. 


As war is now mainly a matter of finance, 
armies and navies being mere incidents 
as compared with financial reserves, the 
bankers still have the last word. No 
international struggle, accident aside, can 
break out until they give the signal. In 
our belief, whatever the apparent provo- 
cation of noisy speech or hectoring diplo- 
macy, we shall never see another war 
among the great nations of Europe. 
There is too much at stake. War is a 
disturbance of all normal relations. It 
is a sort of world sickness, local in its 
inception, but likely to spread to other 
parts of the social organism. A great 
war is a great defeat. It means ruin to the 
victor as well as to the loser. Under 
present conditions there can be no such 
thing as victory, and neutrals must share 
with the others in the settlement of loss. 

Banking, according to Norman Angell, is 
"providing the economic and social organ- 
ism with sensory nerves, by which damage 
to any part, or to any function, can be 
felt and. thanks to such feeling, avoided." 
The influence of sound banking is there- 
fore everywhere and automatically op- 
posed to war. To the modern banker, 
as to Benjamin Franklin, "there never 
was a good war nor a bad peace." 


In the last hundred years even nation 
has had its statesmen, representative of 


the people, ready to pledge all futures have the principal to live on for a genera- 

for the sake of present advantage, real tion. Half of it will meet current expenses 

or apparent. Especially have they been for a dozen years. The other half is at 

willing to go to any lengths of debt or once available for national purposes, for 

taxation in the interest of standing armies dockyards, wharves, fortresses, public 

and of naval greatness. And the net buildings, and above all for army and navy 

result is that the war debt of the world expansion. Meanwhile in our century 

for borrowed money, practically all used no nation stands quite still. Twelve 

for war purposes, amounts to nearly years of invention and commerce have 

^37,000,000,000. This sum is expressed doubled the national income. This gives 

in the "Endless Caravan of Ciphers," us another hundred million which may be 

which carries no meaning to the average capitalized in the same way, another 

taxpayer until he feels its pressure in the twenty-five hundred million borrowed, 

rising cost of living and in his own diffi- And all borrowings become war debt, 

culties in making both ends meet. The because the standing army and the navy 

interest charges of the world on its national take the lion's share. Were it not for war 

bonded debt are about $1,500,000,000 a and war preparations, the other expenses 

year, and about $2,500,000,000 are ex- of government would have been everywhere 

pended yearly on standing armies and on met without permanent indebtedness, 

battleships. If we were to sell out the In the fashion here indicated France has 

entire holdings of the United States, built up her war debt of $6,000,000,000, 

capitalize the returns, and put the whole and most other nations of Europe have 

sum at interest at 4 per cent., it would followed the same example. The system 

just about keep up the military expenses of borrowing then extends through the 

of the world in time of peace. body politic; individuals, corporations, 

Through our attempts to keep war municipalities, all live on their principal, 

going, after its prosecution had ceased leaving debt and interest for future gen- 

to be financially profitable to anybody erations to pay. And by this means 

(to say nothing of moral or social values), one and all finally pass into the control 

we have carried civilization well toward of their creditors. The nations of Europe 

bankruptcy. "We have long since," says have no independent existence, they are 

the editor of Life, "passed the simple or all "provinces of the Unseen Empire of 

kindergarten stage of living beyond our Finance." What will be the end, no 

means; we are now engaged in living beyond one can say. There is a steady growth 

the means of generations to come." of "unrest" among the taxpayers of the 

world. There would be a still more violent 


unrest could posterity be heard from. 
Let me illustrate by a suppositious And in its time posterity can save itself 
example. A nation has, let us say, an from utter ruin only by new inventions 
income and expenditure of $100,000,000. and new exploitations or by a frugality 
It raises this sum by taxation of some sort of administration of which no nation gives 
and thus lives within its means. But an example to-day. 
this hundred millions is equal to the in- 
terest on a much larger sum, $2,500,000,000. WAR IS DYING 
Let us suppose that instead of paying a The present complex condition, in- 
hundred millions year by year for expenses, congruous as well as disconcerting, is 
we use this as the interest on a large apparently a necessary phase of the 
capital. By borrowing we have imme- passing of war, a world-process involved 
diately at hand a sum twenty-five times in the change from the rule of force to 
as great. The interest on this sum is the that of law. The power of old tradition 
same as the annual expense account. We keeps alive the sinuous diplomacy of 
have then borrowed $2,500,000,000, pay- Europe, with its use of warships as counters 
ing the interest charges of $100,000,000 a in its games, and its use of war scares as 
year. t While paying these charges we means to force the people to build the 


warships. We still have the Deferred after war has been determined on. 
Payment and the Indirect Tax, the means "Affairs of honor" between nations are 
by which an outworn statecraft extorts worthy of no more respect than "affairs 
money from the people. We have all of honor" among men. In either case, 
interests of commerce totally and openly an adequate remedy is found in a few 
opposed to war, and all interests of finance days or months of patience and in the 
quietly opposed to all war which does not adjustments of disinterested friends whose 
pay. We have the murderous cost of the judgments are unbiased by the passion of 
whole thing at all times, with the final the moment. This we call arbitration, and 
certainty that the perfection of our mon- its supreme virtue with nations as with 
strous implements will never allow any individuals lies in its being unlimited, 
sort of war to pay, while the alternative In our own country at present, there 
of "Armed Peace" is equally impossibly opens a door of escape from the waste of 
expensive. We have also the growth of war preparation. Taking the Tariff Corn- 
international relations, of the spirit of mission as a model, we should have a High 
mutual understanding, the development Commission of civilian statesmen .to de- 
of international law, the extension of termine exactly how we stand in regard 
arbitration and our own emergence from to war. Let these men ascertain what 
the mediaeval darkness when war was our possible enemies are and what is our 
deemed natural and good, an institution actual need in the way of national defense, 
to be cherished for its own sake. Lastly, We need not go very far afield to find out 
the bankers have given ample evidence what men should be chosen to serve in this 
of their power, for example, in the Morocco capacity. The Peace Commission already 
affair. They have long since skimmed provided by Congress, but thus far left in 
off the cream of the international loan abeyance, could be used to this end. It is 
business. There is little gain to them in unworthy of our ideals and of our best his- 
further extension of the policy. And so tory that we should go on blindly spending 
war is dying, self-slain by the costly $800,000 every day on army and navy, with 
weapons science has forged for it, and it nearly half as much more in pensions and 
now remains for finance to give it a decent on interest, simply to follow the confessedly 
and fitting burial. evil examples of Grea. Britain and Ger- 

The way out of war will open, the world many. It is unreasonable to seek for 
over, with the enlightenment of public ideal perfection of national defense, unless 
opinion, with the extension of international it can be proved that our condition de- 
law, and the perfection of the international mands such perfection. And it is criminal 
courts at The Hague. The machinery of that we should expend vast sums on 
conciliation is created by public opinion; warships and armament on the advice 
and with its more perfect adjustment, of interested parties alone. Whatever 
the force of public opinion behind it will may be the fact at our national capital 
grow steadily more and more insistent, we have abundant evidence that there 
Little by little war will be erased from the exists in the world no lobby more power- 
possibilities. As the years go by its crude ful than the dockyard-armament lobbies 
and, costly conclusions become less and of Great Britain and o\ Germany. The 
less acceptable and the victories of peace naval and military appropriations of 
become more and more welcome as well as Europe represent the demands of these 
more stable. syndicates, not the actual needs of the 

people or the nations. 

arb.tration the wav out A High Commission, such as is sug- 

The fact that a better way of composing gested, could find out the truth, could 

differences exists is. of itself, a guarantee indicate the path of safety and the path 

that no serious differences shall arise; of economy. To reduce our military 

for as a rule, wars do not arise from the expenses to our actual needs in America 

alleged "causes of war." The "causes" would go far to settle for all time the war 

assigned are almost wholly mere pretexts problem of debt-cursed Europe. 








IN A recent speech Senator La Follette tion that the Sherman and the state anti- 
said: "An example of unfair and trust laws are popularly supposed to 
discriminatory prices is the practice protect and foster, 
so brutally employed by the Standard The smallest country dealer is quick 
Oil Company of cutting prices in to cut his prices on the appearance of a 
local markets invaded by small competi- competitor and if he can afford it he will 
tors while keeping up prices in other cut until he has driven the competitor 
markets not so invaded. Another ex- from the field. 

ample is that of making a lower price to The peddler who tramps half a dozen 

the purchaser who does not buy of a com- villages will sell at cost or less than cost 

petitor than the price demanded if he in one village to drive out a rival and 

buys also of a competitor." recoup his loss by charging more for his 

Never mind the " Standard Oil Com- wares in the places where he has no com- 
pany" for the moment; in this connection petition. 

it is only an epithet, and epithets lead The most insignificant jobber or manu- 

nowhere. The practices complained of facturer in Senator La Follette's own state 

are right or wrong, irrespective of the of Wisconsin will gladly make a specially 

people who resort to them. Now, what low price to the customer who will agree 

are those practices in plain, un-Senatorial not to buy of a competitor, for that is the 

English? simplest way of securing a man's entire 

i. That a manufacturer or wholesale trade, 
dealer who finds a new competitor in a These things, which have been done 
locality quoting low prices meets the local the world over from the beginning of 
competition without reducing his prices trade, strike the popular orator as "vie- 
in other places. ious" and "brutal" only when done by 

This practice was hoary with age be- some very unpopular corporation, 
fore "trusts" or corporations were dreamed To the small competitor who is ruined 

of; it began with the beginning of trade it does not matter much whether he is 

and prevails in every country on the face ruined by the Standard Oil Company, 

of the globe. or by a mail-order house, or by a depart- 

2. That a manufacturer or wholesale ment store. And more small dealers are 

dealer makes special terms to the customer driven out of business every year by 

who will agree to buy exclusively from mail-order houses and department stores 

him. than the Standard Oil Company has 

This, too, has been done from time ruined in its entire existence, 
immemorial and is the practice of every 
ordinarily keen manufacturer and jobber. BRUTAL BUT ™.versal methods 

In short, the practices complained of But the fact that practices condemned 

are the very A B C of the old competition, by Senator La Follette are both old and 

of that "free and unfettered" competi- universal does not make them fair and 


just. When he calls them "brutal" he the nature of man to suppress them. It 

is right, but they are brutal whether is a question of the substitution of a new 

practised by the small dealer in a fight competition for the old. 
for custom or by the large corporation 

in a fight for trade; they are brutal be- progress in business ideals 

cause they are the methods of the fighter When one looks back with dispassion- 

who is mercilessly trying to down his ate eye over the last fifteen years — fifteen 

opponent; they are brutal because they years of unparalleled financial, commercial, 

are natural, instinctive, elemental; they and industrial turmoil and upheaval, the 

are brutal because they are human, and conclusion is inevitable that, whatever 

humanity in its struggle for existence is, there has been of progress in the world of 

and ever has been, brutal. trade and industry toward higher ideals, 

Big corporations have not made these toward franker and more straight-forward 

practices one whit more brutal; they have methods, has been due directly or in- 

simply made them more conspicuous, directly to the development and operation 

thrown them into high relief, so that the of large corporations, the so-called 

people see and understand them better, "trusts." They devised nothing new in 

What the individual has always done "brutal" trade methods, but they have 

instinctively and viciously, the large cor- done things on such a large scale that the 

poration does systematically and indif- public for the first time begins to see and 

ferently. understand the unfairness, the oppressive- 

A blacksmith borrows a little money ness, of common, every-day trade cus- 

and opens a shop in a country village, toms. The large corporation has been a 

To get a start he shoes horses for a little wonderful magnifying mirror in which the 

less than the shop across the street. The people for the first time see — themselves; 

established smith meets the new com- it has set the entire legislative, executive, 

petition and goes it one better by cutting and judicial world groping for remedies 

prices to cost, for the express purpose of for economic ills that have their roots in 

driving out the new man. Inafewmonths the selfishness of the individual. Senator 

the new man is done for, closes up shop, La Follette thinks he is after the Standard 

and goes away "dead broke," whereupon Oil Company, the Steel Corporation, the 

the successful smith gets even by asking large — and friendless — combination. He 

a little more than he did before, his charges will find in the end that he is prodding the 

being limited only by fear of inviting more small manufacturer and jobber in his own 

new competition. state, for they are guilty of the same 

That is the old, familiar "cut-throat" " brutal" practices, only on a lesser scale. 

competition in a nutshell. A distinguished and scholarly senator 

When the individual crushes his rival by in an interesting book ("Corporations and 

"brutal" methods, the cry of the insignifi- the State," by Senator Theodore E. Burton, 

cant rival is too weak to be heard in Con- of Ohio), says: 

gress, but when the large corporation " If a large combination can produce and 

crushes rivals in every state by precisely sell articles at a less price than its com- 

the. same methods, the united cry is petitors, and employs no unfair methods 

heard. There is no difference in the against them, is not the public benefited 

"brutality," but simply in the number rather than injured?" 

affected, and numbers make all the dif- The question, of course, implies the 

ference in the world - about election time, assumption that the large combination 

But the question is bigger and broader does undersell its competitors, and that 

than one of mere political or legislative, assumption necessarily involves the elim- 

or even economic, expediency. It is a ination of some or all of the competi- 

question of progress toward higher ideals tors. 

in the industrial and commercial world. What consolation is it to the bankrupt 

of the suppression of unfair, oppressive, competitor to be assured that he was dis- 

" brutal" methods, in so far as it lies in posed of gracefully and honorably, that no 


unfair means were used to effect his sup- that are as vital to the new competition 

pression? Might he not reply: as they are fatal to the old. 

"What do I care about your motives? The crucial propositions are as follows: 
You undersold me and put me out of 1 . The defendants and each of them are 

business — that's all there is to it." enjoined from making any contracts with 

As a matter of fact the public may be a parties from whom they purchase supplies 

very great loser in the long run by getting and machinery used in the lamp business, 

goods for a time so cheap from one or a whereby such parties shall bind themselves 

few large producers that small ones cannot not to sell such supplies and machinery to 

exist and, though the elimination of com- other parties, or whereby such parties 

petition by unfair and oppressive means obligate themselves to sell to defendants at 

is wrong — mainly as between the parties different prices than they sell to other cus- 

immediately concerned — the economic tomers. 

effect on the community is very much the It will be observed that the injunction 

same when competition is suppressed by runs not only against the combination of 

fair means; the net result is the disappear- defendants, but against the liberty of each 

ance of the small competitor. to do' things that have been done from 

No, it will not do to repeat the ancient time immemorial under the old competi- 

academic proposition, "Competition must tion. In fact, until within recent years 

be allowed free play," or as one professor no one has thought of questioning the 

puts it, "The big company has a right right, moral and legal, of a group of manu- 

to beat the little one in an honest race for facturers to take the output of a given 

cheapness in making and selling goods; maker of either the machinery they need 

but it has no right to foul the competitor or the raw material they use. But what- 

and disable it by an underhanded blow." ever may be said of the right of a combina- 
tion to do this, no one has dreamed of 

UNETHICAL MEANS UNECONOMIC ^„„:„„ + U~ -;^ + „( + U~ • A' ■ 1 l 

denying the right 01 the individual — 

The big individual, the big jobber, the person or corporation — to make a bargain 

big manufacturer, now does all things, with a manufacturer for his entire output, 

fair and unfair, to gain and hold trade, or for a large percentage of it, at a certain 

to down competitors, and he may have the figure, providing the manufacturer would 

legal right to do all of them ; but whether agree to sell to no other at so low a price, 

it is right, ethically or economically, to That is the very essence of innumerable 

encourage or permit competition that contracts entered into daily between 

results in the ruin of any one, is a bigger jobbers and manufacturers, 
and finer question, and it is a question 
that is in process of solution. SOCFAL Responsibility enforced 

How far and how rapidly the country It is a part of the old creed that a man 

has drifted from the fundamental propo- has the right to sell his goods to whom he 

sitions of the old competition is indicated pleases, at the prices he pleases, on the 

in the terms of a decree entered last Octo- terms he pleases; that he can sell the 

ber in the Circuit Court of the United bulk of his output to one customer at a 

States at Cleveland, the case of the United special price and agree not to sell the 

States' vs. General Electric Company, balance at less than a certain per cent, 

and other makers of electric lamps. higher; that he can sell a part of his 

output to one purchaser and agree to 
sell to no other purchaser in the same 

An important point in the decree is that locality; that he can build up the business 

it was not simply the decision of the judge of a customer one year by giving him low 

interposed between contending parties, prices, and ruin him the next by refusing 

but the defendants withdrew all opposition to sell to him at any price; in short, that 

and agreed to a decree satisfactory to the he can use his own judgment or whim in 

Government and the Court. It marks a making prices and in disposing of Ins 

meeting of minds upon certain propositions product. 




Such are some of the sacred tenets of 
the old competition. The decree referred 
to makes sad havoc of these notions. 

2. Defendants and each of them are 
enjoined from entering into any contract 
with dealers or consumers who buy certain 
improved filament lamps whereby such 
dealers or consumers must purchase all the 
ordinary filament lamps they need as a 
condition to obtaining the improved: nor 
can any one of the defendants discriminate 
against any dealer or consumer who wishes 
to purchase improved filament lamps be- 
cause such dealer or consumer buys either 
ordinary lamps or other improved filament 
lamps from other dealers. 

What has become of the good, old- 
fashioned belief that a man who has an 
improved or patented article may use 
it as a lever to force the sale of his line? 

If an electric lamp manufacturer has an 
improved filament lamp, either patented 
or of secret process, why may he not say 
to a dealer or a consumer, " 1 am under no 
obligation to sell you my improved lamp. 
If 1 do sell to you it will be at my price 
and on my terms, and the first condition 
is that you buy of me all the lamps of all 
kinds that you sell?" 

Up to the entering of the decree who 
would have believed it possible that any 
court would intervene and say the manu- 
facturer could not make such a contract? 

The decree does not say that the in- 
dividual may not refuse to sell at all: it 
says that he may not refuse on the ground 
that the dealer or consumer is also pur- 
chasing elsewhere. The loop-hole for 
evasion may be large, but the intent of 
the Court is plain — it is to give the cus- 
tomer the widest possible latitude in 
purchasing and to take from the seller 
the right to lay down conditions that will 
tend to hold the customer. 


If there were any possible doubt about 
the intention of the Court it is dissipated 
by the following language: "The defen- 
dants and each of them are perpetually 
enjoined from utilizing any patents which 
they have or claim to have or which they 
may hereafter acquire or claim to have 
acquired, as a means of controlling the 

manufacture or sale of any type or types 
of lamps not protected by lawful patents." 

Apply that, say, to the maker of a razor 
that is patented, who also makes a line 
of razors that are not patented; according 
to old-time notions he could sell all or any 
of his goods to any one willing to buy, 
or he could refuse to sell, or he could say, 
"I won't sell you my patented razors unless 
you buy from me all the barber's supplies 
you need." 

Under the new theory he may be en- 
joined from "utilizing" his patented 
razor as a means to force the sale of his 
supplies and unpatented articles. 

To be sure, this particular decree does 
not go so far as to lay down the corollary 
of its proposition, namely: that any 
party desiring the patented article shall 
have the right to come into court and 
compel the maker to sell it to him at a 
reasonable price; but logically that right 
is implied in the proposition that no maker 
shall refuse to sell for a particular reason, 
since, as already suggested, he may refuse 
and give no reason. As the matter now' 
stands the aggrieved buyer of electric 
lamps can bring these particular defen- 
dants into court only when they refuse to 
sell and give a bad reason for so refusing 
to sell, to wit: the reason the court holds 

3. The defendants and each of them 
are enjoined from offering or making more 
favorable prices or terms of sale for incan- 
descent electric lamps to the customers of 
any rival manufacturer or manufacturers 
than it at the same time offers or makes to 
its established trade where the purpose is 
to drive out of business such rival manu- 
facturer or manufacturers . . . pro- 
vided that no defendant is enjoined or re- 
strained from making any prices for incan- 
descent electric lamps to meet, or compete 
with, prices previously made by any other 
defendant, or by rival manufacturers. 

The very essence of the old competition, 
the competition that the public thinks the 
law is trying to protect, is the freedom to 
undersell, freedom to sell at cost, at less 
than cost, at any price at all, or to give 
away goods, to down a competitor. That 
has been the one resource of the old 
established house to protect itself against 



the aggressive newcomer; it has been the 
right of the newcomer in his fight for a 
share of the trade. 

It is the theory of the old competition 
that the consumer, and inferentially the 
public, profit from this warfare. 

It is the theory of the new competition 
that in the long run neither the customer 
nor the public profits from conditions that 
mean disaster to individuals. In a sense, 
therefore, the very unusual provisions of 
the decree are along the new lines, but they 
are unconsciously so, and therefore un- 
certain in their general application how- 
ever pertinent in that particular case. 

In its general application the decree 
overturns the entire theory of the old 
competition; it li.nits a man's right to 
sell what he owns to whom he pleases on 
such terms as he pleases. It says that 
he must consider his rival — that is the 
striking novelty of the decision. 

The theory of the decree is that, whereas 
under the old competition A was free to 
sell to B on such terms as B was willing 
to accept, under the new, the interests 
of C must be considered; if the bargain 
between A and B injures C it is no longer 
legal, even though C has in the transaction 
only the indirect interest of a competitor. 

This regard for the interest of C is a 
legitimate economic interest. It is more, 
it is an ethical interest that the old com- 
petition ignored. In a crude way, courts 
are coming to realize this broader interest; 
coming to understand that commercial 
fights, like cock fights and prize fights, 
are far behind present day standards; 
that nothing is gained by encouraging 
two manufacturers to fight one another 
until both are bankrupt. 


Legislatures still cry out: "Go to it! 
Hands off! Let 'em fight it out!" and if 
the two combatants show signs of making 
up their quarrels, of getting together in a 
friendly way, a large majority of legislators, 
state and national, raise a cry of angry 
protest — the fight must be to a finish. 

What will the radical upholders of the 
Sherman law say to a court decree which 
commands a manufacturer not to compete 
with a rival by underselling him? 

The decree is crude in that it attempts 
too much and accomplishes too little. 
For instance, each of the defendants is 
ordered not to undersell a rival "where 
the purpose is to drive out of business 
such rival." Who is to determine the 
seller's purpose? By the terms of the 
decree he may undersell a rival until the 
latter has no customers and necessarily 
goes out of business, and each transaction 
will be right and proper providing at no 
time can it be proved that there was an 
intention to eliminate the unfortunate 
competitor. On its face the decree does 
not pretend to restrain a man from going 
after all the business he can get, even to 
the getting of all there is, but he must do 
it politely and with no provable intent to 
injure those he gently elbows off the earth. 

Furthermore, suppose the rival — who, 
by the way, is not restrained in his actions 
by the decree — in the spirit of the old 
competition "goes after the business" 
and, to get a foothold, makes "any old 
price," what are the defendants to do? 
Assume that this particular rival is mak- 
ing serious inroads, that he is quoting cost 
and below cost, or that he has an improved 
lamp that he can sell for less than the cost 
of other lamps and yet make money. 

There are but two things for an older 
company to do; either make terms with 
the rival or fight. To make terms whereby 
prices are fixed or territory apportioned 
is a suppression of competition and 
illegal; to fight by engaging in a trade 
war, by going out and underselling in the 
rival's territory, for the express purpose 
of suppressing him, is contrary to the de- 
cree, though such a course is instinctive 
and natural and is the old competition 
in its most familiar form. 

A number of Western states have 
statutes — aimed at the Standard Oil 
Company — making it a criminal offence to 
sell a commodity at a lower price in one 
section than is charged in another. 


The plain truth is that the very theory 
of the old competition, free and unfettered 
individualism, has received its severest 
blows at the hands of its professed friends. 
In curtailing the liberty of the "trust," 



the liberty of the lesser corporation and 
of the partnership and of the individual, 
disappears; what is brutal and uncon- 
scionable for one is brutal and uncon- 
scionable for another. The "brutality" 
of a given act does not depend upon the 
size of the trust that does it: it depends 
upon conditions as they exist between the 
parties to the act; and there may be — 
usually is — far more of viciousness in the 
conduct of an individual toward his com- 

It goes without saying that courts 
cannot intervene and regulate all the large 
corporations of the country, to say nothing 
of large manufacturers and dealers that 
are not corporations. That being true, 
why should not competitors be permitted 
to get together voluntarily and adopt 
rules for the regulation of competition 
along the lines laid down in the case 
and in the statutes referred to? 

Prior to the entry of that decree it would 
have been argued by many that the rules 
regulating competition, therein formulated, 
would be illegal if adopted by the same 
parties voluntarily. But now the matter 
is definitely settled with the approval of 
the Department of Justice: competition 
not only may be, but must be controlled ; 
the large producer will not be permitted 
to slaughter prices to ruin a small producer; 
one producer will not be permitted to 
quote exceptionally low prices in one 
locality to secure the customers of a com- 
petitor while charging higher elsewhere, 
and so on. All this is in the direction of 
stability of prices maintained by agree- 
ment or by decree of court — what dif- 
ference does it make? — as distinguished 
from the wide and ruinous fluctuations of 
the old "cut-throat" competition. 


Voluntary cooperation with a minimum 
of state supervision is far better than com- 
pulsory action with a maximum of super- 
vision. In the present uncertain state 
of the law the attitude of the State would 
seem to be that of forbidding the volun- 
tary association that is absolutely nec- 
essary to eliminate those "brutal" features 
of competition that the court and Senator 
La Follette agree must be eliminated. 

Massachusetts has a statute which 
makes it a criminal offense for any person 
or corporation to "make it a condition 
of the sale of goods, wares, or merchandise, 
that the purchaser shall not deal in the 
goods, wares, or merchandise of any other 
person, firm or corporation." 

The agent of a tobacco company sold 
goods to a dealer with the agreement that 
if he bought only the tobacco company's 
goods a rebate of 6 per cent, would be 

The Supreme Court of Massachusetts 
held the statute constitutional and sus- 
tained the conviction of the agent of the 
company, saying, "It is intended to make 
it impossible for a seller to say to an ordin- 
ary purchaser who buys to sell again, 'You 
cannot buy my goods except on condition 
that you will not sell goods obtained from 
others. If you sell like goods manufactured 
by others, you cannot have mine." 

And the court very rightly remarks, 
"There is no doubt that the statute puts 
a limitation upon the general right to 
make contracts," but justifies it as an 
attempt to meet modern conditions. 

When a similar contract made by the 
same tobacco company was presented to 
the Federal Circuit Court of Appeals in St. 
Louis the three judges — one of whom, 
Judge Van Devanter, is now a Justice of 
the Supreme Court — held in an able 
opinion that the right of the tobacco 
company to dictate the terms upon which 
it will dispose of its products "is indis- 
pensdble to the very existence of competition. 
Strike down, or stipulate away that right, 
and competition is not only restricted but 

That which is forbidden by decree of 
court in Ohio, and is a crime in Massa- 
chusetts, is legitimate business practice 
in Missouri. 

W hat is the trouble? 

Nothing but the conflict that is now on 
between the Old competition and the New; 
the old finds expression in the judgment 
and opinion of the Court in St. Louis; 
the new finds utterance — not as clear 
and logical as might be — in the decree of 
the Court in Cleveland and in the judg- 
ment and opinion of the Supreme Court of 
Massachusetts and in the law of that state. 





IN THE midst of a crowd of noisy, 
eager peasant immigrants that were 
disgorged upon the Battery Pier from 
an Italian steamer some twenty-one 
years ago, walked a man in the 
garb of a priest. His face was very 
thoughtful and earnest as he watched the 
bewilderment of these newcomers at their 
journey's end. Now and then he ad- 
dressed one of them with a low-spoken 
Italian phrase, or quieted the wails of 
some frightened, straying child. He 
stood on the pier until the last 
fantastically clad stranger with the 
last bit of preposterous luggage had van- 
ished into the mystery of streets that 
stretched away from the other side of 
Battery Park, and then he too turned and 
left the water-front. The priest was 
Father Bandini, and he had come to 
America on a mission — to investigate and 
to better the conditions of his countrymen 
who drift untutored to these shores. 


What Father Bandini found out is a 
familiar tale to us now — the helplessness 
of the alien in the hands of glib porters 
and hotel-keepers, the loss of his small 
store of savings to the pretended friend 
who offers to find him a job in return 
for a competence, • the inevitable drift- 
ing toward slum-life, and the daily 
round of hard street-labor to ward off 
starvation — all this is a scandal too old 
to bear repeating. Father Bandini went 
to work at once to find a remedy. The 
fact that seemed to him important 
was that the large majority of his country- 
men had come from small farms at home. 
For that reason the priest felt that the only 
hope for them was to get them on the land 
and let them earn their bread in their 
accustomed way. The big obstacle that 

confronted this theory, however, was the 
social, pleasure-loving nature of the Italians 
which would make the isolated life of the 
ordinary American farmer intolerable to 

Father Bandini's solution was to put a 
whole colony of these Italians on the 
land in one place, thus restoring the com- 
munity life and the hopefulness of 
their former homes. The success of his 
experiment puts before social workers a 
new solution of the whole immigration 
problem. It also offers "a way out" to 
the man of small means who wants to get 
back to the land — be he Italian, or Ger- 
man, or just plain American. Here are 
the facts of this interesting experiment: 


Father Bandini, once having decided 
on a plan of colonization, plunged im- 
mediately into a study of government 
bulletins about climatic and agricultural 
conditions in various parts of the United 
States and at last decided upon the region 
of the Ozark Mountains in Arkansas, 
where the 1,500 foot elevation insures a 
healthful climate and where the seasons 
are long and open. The land had no very 
encouraging crop-record, but a test of the 
soil gave promise of fair productivity under 
the proper cultural conditions. 

To this country in March, 1898, Father 
Bandini came with a band of twenty-six 
hardy and all but penniless families. They 
picked out a tract of 300 acres in Washing- 
ton County, within six miles of the St. 
Louis and San Franscico Railroad, and 
they purchased the land at $15 an acre. 
The scheme was not cooperative. The 
land was divided into lots varying in size 
from 5 to 20 acres, and each man paid what 
he could for his share — $10, $15, $25 — 
and gave his note and a mortgage on the 



land for the balance, Father Bandini per- 
sonally endorsing each note. They called 
their settlement Tontitown in honor of 
an early Italian immigrant, Enrico Tonti, 
who had served as Lieutenant to La Salle 
and had established a small military post 
near the Arkansas River. 


This was the beginning, but the way was 
not yet by any means plain. The Italians, 
cultivators though they were, knew noth- 
ing of the adaptation of their methods to 
American climatic conditions. They had 
to be taught. So Father Bandini studied 
the reports of the experiment stations and 
of the United States Department of Agri- 
culture, and not only translated these into 
Italian, but took off his clerical uniform 
and went to work with his hands to show 
the people how to put their teachings into 
practice. The first duty was to provide 
for the immediate pressing needs. With 
their old-world implements, the hoe, the 
rake, and the spading fork, the colonists 
set about planting such crops as would 
yield them first returns. Then they 
planted for the future — vineyards, fruit 
trees, and small fruits. After two months 
of toil a cyclone swept the section, de- 
stroyed all the growing crops, and killed 
one of their number. But the colonists 
replanted their fields, rebuilt their shacks, 
and were of good heart. When the shadow 
of the first winter loomed ahead and the 
barns and the cupboards alike were empty, 
the priest summoned all the men and boys 
and sent them to work in the coal-mines 
in Oklahoma, to supply the colony with 
money until the return of spring. 

The next year the entire Southwest was 
withered by a drought, and only half a 
crop was harvested in the colony. Star- 
vation threatened. Eight of the twenty- 
six families gave up and went away in 
despair. But the other eighteen had faith. 
They lived on corn-meal until spring, then 
they started planting again. This time 
their efforts were rewarded. They gath- 
ered a bountiful harvest and ever since 
then their labors have prospered. 

In a few years all their land was paid 
for and they were buying more. Their 
fruit trees came into bearing and their 

vineyards yielded richly. The settlers 
kept pace with their prosperity by sup- 
plementing their hoe and spade with the 
best and most improved farm machinery, 
and by adding conveniences and beauties 
to their houses and gardens. The story 
of their success and happiness spread 
abroad and, year by year, new bands of 
immigrants were diverted from the slums 
and sent to win prosperity in Tontitown. 


The colony is now fourteen years old. 
It numbers 700 inhabitants, and owns 
4,760 acres of good productive land, all 
clear of encumbrance, the value of which 
has increased from the original Si 5 paid 
for it to $50, $100, and even $1 50 an acre. 
In the village there are a modern hotel, 
three stores, a post-office, a land office, or 
town hall, and a school — St. Man's 
Academy — which contains five large, well- 
equipped class rooms, several living rooms 
for the three Sisters of Mercy and the 
two young women teachers, and a gym- 
nasium. Here 130 children are enrolled. 

The good priest who caused all this 
prosperity has kept constantly before his 
people the secret of their success. "One 
of the great dangers which threaten the 
farmers in America," he says to them "is 
that they may become land poor. Forty 
acres is all that one man can profitably till. 
With twenty acres he can support a large 
family in comfort and save a little money. 
With forty acres he can become a man of 
means if he is industrious." 

The Tontitown colonists follow this 
teaching. They build up their land by 
rotation of crops and fertilization. With 
the long open seasons they grow two or 
three crops of the same vegetables in the 
same season. Thus, for instance, they 
plant early spring onions for the market 
between rows of young peach trees or 
grapevines. After the onions have been 
harvested for the market, string beans are 
planted on the same ground. When the 
string beans have been marketed, the same 
ground is planted with some nitrogen pro- 
ducing crop — such as cow peas. The 
cow peas are used as fodder for the cattle, 
thus providing a fertilizer directly and 
indirectly — the productivity of the soil 



is increased, yet it has yielded three crops 
and nourished an orchard or vineyard. 

The first year that the young apple 
orchards produced a full crop, fruit in the 
Ozark mountain region was most abund- 
ant. Commission men bought apples in the 
orchards from the native farmers at oocents 
a barrel — 20 cents a bushel. The Tonti- 
town people bought and installed two fairly 
large fruit evaporators and established 
canneries and cider and vinegar factories. 
They fancy-packed their choicest apples 
and sold them at good prices. The 
seconds they canned or evaporated; the 
culls and parings they used for cider, then 
ran the pulp through the presses again 
with water and made vinegar; and at last 
the pulp was put back on the land for 
fertilizer. In all they received at the rate 
of $6 a barrel for their fruit as against the 
60 cents received by the American farmers. 

They ship their choice peaches, and the 
seconds are canned or evaporated. Every 
farmer has a vineyard of from four to eight 
acres which yields him returns from $500 
to $600 per acre. The grapes are made 
into wine. One man alone makes 1,500 
gallons of wine every season. The Tonti- 
town wine is a fine domestic vintage that 
finds a ready market at $1 a gallon. 

By his energy and initiative Father 
Bandini has promoted the establishing 
of other industries besides agriculture. 
Tonitown now possesses brickyards and 
limekilns. Three creameries profitably 






handle the milk; one of these creameries 
is devoted to butter making and the other 
two to cheese manufacturing. There are 
also a broom factory, a brickyard, a 
blacksmith shop, and a cobbler's shop. 
The best proof of the triumph of Father 
Bandini's theory, however, lies probably 
not so much in a record of material achieve- 
ment as in evidence of the satisfaction of 







^^^^ v? 



J T i I 1 
1 ' 


1 JM jB .• 




the inhabitants. One formal statement of 
this satisfaction, because of its quaint 
phraseology, is too good to omit : 

I, the undersigned, a resident of Tontitown 
from its very beginning, about fourteen (14) 
years ago, was not formerly a farmer, neither 
am I an expert farmer at present; yet I am 
glad to state that I am very well satisfied and 
pleased of my position and pleased with the 

crops 1 get from my farm, on which 1 raised 
almost everything 1 tried to. 

Last year we had an exceptional dry season 
for a few months; had not a drop of rain for 
four months; yet from my little vineyard of 
70 vines I got 6,200 pounds of first class grapes. 

On a surface of three-fourth of an acre I had 
a ton and a half of hay, 12 bushels of beans. 

On another acre 1 raised sweet potatoes, on 
an average of 488 bushels an acre, extremely 
large; 40 bushels of Irish potatoes; 500 pounds 
of beans and half a ton of hay. 

In consequence of the drought, as said above, 
the crop of strawberries and oats was light, 
but corn we had in abundance. 

(Signed) Adriano Morsam. 
Tontitown, Ark., February 8, 191 2. 

Perhaps the greatest asset of the com- 
munity is in the development of its chil- 
dren. They are healthy physically, 
morally, and intellectually. Of the chil- 
dren of the original families who first 
settled in Tontitown, nine girls — now 
grown to young women — are estab- 
lished as school teachers, holding Univer- 
sity, State, or second grade certificates 
Three sisters, who lost their father 
during the first year of the colony, 
have just built and furnished a little cottage 
for their mother, besides which they have 
finished paying for the farm which their 






father had bought before his death. 
Two of the first boys — now quite grown 
up — purchased eighty acres of land 
in 1910 and that spring planted twenty 
acres in strawberries. From the berries in 
the spring of 191 1 and their fall crops of 
potatoes, hay, and corn they realized 
enough to pay for their farm. 

The best part of the story of Tontitown 
is that it is only an introduction to a great 
extension of the colonization plan. In 
191 1, Father Bandini went back to Italy 
and there he told his story to all who would 
listen. He enlisted the sympathies of the 
Pope, the Prime Minister, and the Queen 
Mother, and of several societies and organi- 
zations, all of which are pledged to do what 
they can to direct the flux of emigration 
away from the old channels and into the 
safe and pleasant outlet of our Western 
country. As an evidence of their earnest- 
ness a new little colony has already sprung 
up in Arkansas which the good priest is 
now fostering with the same devotion that 
he lavished on Tontitown. 

That is what Father Bandini has done 
for his countrymen. What he has done 
to help solve some of the most momen- 
tous problems that confront us can be 
stated almost as definitely. 



He has again illustrated the value of 
intensive cultivation of the soil. His 
success also suggests that farm colonies 
may be the simplest means by which the 
poor man can get on the land, and that 
colonization on a large scale may yet empty 
the city slums by putting the agricultural 
immigrant at once in touch with the oppor- 
tunity to practise the only kind of produc- 
tive industry for which he is fitted. 









OST people have heard of 
Juja, the modern dwelling 
in the heart of an African 
wilderness, belonging to our 
own countryman, Mr. W. N. 
McMillan. If most people are as 1 was 
before I saw the place, they have con- 
siderable curiosity and no knowledge of 
what it is and how it looks. 

Juja is situated on the top of a high 
bluff overlooking a river. In all direc- 
tions are tremendous grass plains. Donya 
Sabuk--the Mountain of Buffaloes — 
is the only landmark nearer than the dim 
mountains beyond the edge of the world; 
and that is a day's journey away. A 
rectangle of possibly forty acres has been 
enclosed on three sides by animal-proof 
wire fence. The fourth side is the edge 
of the bluff. Within this enclosure have 
been planted many trees, now of good size; 
a pretty garden with abundance of flowers, 
ornamental shrubs, a sundial, and lawns. 
In the river bottom land below the bluff 
is a very extensive vegetable and fruit 
garden, with cornfields and experimental 
plantings of rubber and the like. For 
the use of the people of Juja here are 
raised a great variety and abundance of 
vegetables, fruits, and grains. 

Before leaving London we had received 
from McMillan earnest assurances that 
he kept open house, and that we must 
take advantage of his hospitality should 
we happen his way. Therefore, when one 
of his white-robed Somalis approached us 
to enquire respectfully as to what we 

wanted for dinner, we yielded weakly to 
the temptation and told him. Then we 
marched to the house and took possession. 

And inside — mind you, we were fresh 
from three months in the wilderness — 
we found rugs, pictures, wallpaper, a 
pianola, many books, baths, beautiful 
white bedrooms with snowy mosquito 
curtains, electric lights, running water. 
and above all an atmosphere of homelike 
comfort. We fell into easy chairs, and 
seized books and magazines. The Somalis 
brought us trays with iced and fizzy drinks 
in thin glasses. When the time came we 
crossed the veranda in the rear to enter 
a spacious separate dining room. The 
table was white with napery, glittering 
with silver and glass, bright with flowers. 
We ate leisurely of a well-served course 
dinner, ending with black coffee, shelled 
nuts, and candied fruit. 

Next day we left all this and continued 
our march. About a month later, how- 
ever, we encountered McMillan himself 
at Nairobi. He insisted on our going 
back with him, and very soon my com- 
panions and I tucked ourselves into a 
buckboard behind four white Abyssinian 
mules. McMillan, some Somalis. and 
Captain Duirs came along in a similar rig. 
Our driver was a Hottentot half caste 
from South Africa. He had a flat face, 
a yellow skin, a quiet manner, and a com- 
petent hand. His name was Michael. 
At his feet crouched a small Kikuyu savage, 
in blanket, ear ornaments, and all the 
fixings, armed with a long lashed whip 



and a raucous voice. At any given 
moment he was likely to hop out over the 
moving wheel, run forward, bat the off 
leading mule, and hop back again, all 
with the most extraordinary agility. He 
likewise hurled what sounded like very 
opprobrious epithets at such natives as 
did not get out the way quickly enough 
to suit him. The expression of his face, 
which was that of a person steeped in woe, 
never changed. 

We rattled out of Nairobi at a great pace, 
and swung into the Fort Hall Road. This 
famous thoroughfare, one of the three or 
four made roads in all East Africa, is about 
sixty miles long. It is a strategic ne- 

their ears, their jewelry brought to a high 
polish, a fatuous expression of self- 
satisfaction on their faces, carrying each 
a section of sugar-cane which they now 
used as a staff but would later devour for 
lunch; bearers, under convoy of straight, 
soldierly, red-sashed Sudanese, transport- 
ing Government goods; wild-eyed, staring 
Shenzis from the forest, with matted hair 
and goat skin garments, looking ready to 
bolt aside at the slightest alarm; coveys 
of marvelous and giggling damsels, their 
fine grained skin anointed and shining 
with red oil, strung with beads and shells, 
very coquettish and sure of their femi- 
nine charm; naked small boys marching 



cessity ; but is used by thousands of natives 
on their way to see the sights of the great 
metropolis. As during the season there 
is no water for much of the distance, a 
great many pay for their curiosity with 
their lives. The Road skirts the base of 
the hills, winding in and out of shallow 
canons and about the edges of rounded 
hills. To the right one can see far out 
across the Athi Plains. 

We met an almost unbroken succession 
of people. There were long pack trains 
of women, quite cheerful, bent over under 
the weight of firewood or vegetables, many 
with babies tucked away in the folds of 
their garments; mincing, dandified war- 
riors with poodle-dog hair, skewers in 

solemnly like their elders; camel trains 
from far off Abyssinia or Somahland under 
convoy of white clad, turbanned, grave 
men of beautiful features; donkey safaris 
in charge of dirty, degenerate looking East 
Indians carrying trade goods to some dis- 
tant post — all these and many more, go- 
ing one way or the other, drew one side, at 
the sight of our white faces, to let us pass. 
At about two o'clock we suddenly 
turned off from the road, apparently quite 
at random, down the long, grassy, inter- 
minable incline that dipped slowly down 
and slowly up again over great dis- 
tances to form the Athi Plains. Along 
the road, with its endless swarm of 
humanity, we had seen no game; but 



after a half mile it began to appear. We 
encountered herds of zebra, kongoni, wilde- 
beest, and "Tommies" standing about or 
grazing, sometimes almost within range 
from the moving buckboard. After a 
time we made out the trees and water 
tower of Juja ahead; and by four o'clock 
had turned into the avenue of trees. Our 
approach had been seen. Tea was ready, 
and a great and hospitable table of bottles, 
ice, and siphons. 

The next morning we inspected the 
stables, built of stone in a hollow space, 
like a fort, with box stalls opening directly 
into the courtyard and screened carefully 
against the deadly flies. The horses, 

Just outside the courtyard of the stables 
a little barred window had been cut 
through. Near this were congregated a 
number of Kikuvu savages wrapped in 
their blankets, receiving each in turn a 
portion of cracked corn from a dustv 
white man behind the bars. They were 
a solemn, unsmiling, strange type of savage; 
and they performed all the manual work 
within the enclosure — squatting on their 
heels and pulling methodically but slowly 
at the weeds; digging with their pan gas; 
earning loads to and fro; or solemnly 
pushing a lawn mower, their blankets 
wrapped shamelessly about their necks. 

Before the store building squatted 

■to-*- * * * ^^ 




beautiful creatures, were led forth each by 
his proud and anxious syce. We tried 
them all, and selected our mounts for the 
time of our stay. The syces were small 
black men, lean and well formed, accus- 
tomed to running afoot wherever their 
charges went, at walk, lope, or gallop. 
Thus in a day they covered incredible 
distances over all sorts of country; but 
were always at hand to seize the bridle 
rein when the master wished to dismount. 
Like the rickshaw runners in Nairobi. 
they wore their hair clipped close around 
their bullet heads and seemed to have 
developed into a small, compact, hard t\ pe 
of their own. They ate and slept with 
their horses. 

another group of savages. Perhaps in 
time one of the lot expected to buy some- 
thing; or possibly they just sat. Such 
is the native way. 

We went to mail a letter, and found 
the postmaster to be a gentle voiced, 
polite little Hindu, who greeted us smil- 
ingly. Three times a week such mail as 
Juja gets comes in via native runner. 
We saw the latter, a splendid figure, al- 
most naked, loping easily down past the 
comfortable, airy white man's club house, 
his little bundle held before him. 

The next afternoon the various members 
of the party decided to do various things. 
I elected to go out with McMillan while 
he killed a wildebeest; and 1 am very 



glad I did. It was a most astonishing 

You must imagine us driving out the 
gate in a buckboard behind four small 
but lively white Abyssinian mules. In 
the front seat were Michael, the Hotten- 
tot driver, and McMillan's Somali gun- 
bearer. In the rear seat were McMillan 
and myself; while a small black syce 
perched precariously behind. Our rifles 
rested in a sling before us. So we jogged 
out on the road to Long Juja, examining 
with a critical eye the herds of game to 
right and left of us. The latter examined 
us, apparently, with an eye as critical. 
Finally, in a herd of zebras, we espied a 
lone wildebeest. 

The wildebeest is the Jekyll and Hyde 

light-headed capers goes far to destroy 
one's faith in the stability of institutions. 

Also the wildebeest is not misnamed. 
He is a conservative; and he sees no par- 
ticular reason for allowing his curiosity to 
interfere with his preconceived beliefs. 
The latter are distrustful. Therefore he 
and his females and his young — I should 
say small — depart when one is far away. 
I say small, because 1 do not believe that 
any wildebeest is ever young. They do not 
resemble calves, but are exact replicas of 
the big ones; just as Niobe's daughters are 
not childlike, but merely smaller women. 

When we caught sight of this lone wilde- 
beest among the zebra, I naturally ex- 
pected that we would pull up the buck- 
board, descend, and approach to within 




of the animal kingdom. His usual and 
familiar habit is that of a heavy, sluggish 
animal, like our vanished bison. He 
stands solid and inert, his head down; he 
plods slowly forward in single file, his 
horns swinging, each foot planted deliber- 
ately. In short, he is the personification 
of dignity, solid respectability, gravity of 
demeanor. But then, all of a sudden, at 
any small interruption, he becomes the 
giddiest of created beings. Up goes his 
head and tail; he buck-jumps, cavorts, 
gambols, kicks up his heels, bounds stiff- 
legged, and generally performs like an 
irresponsible infant. To see a whole herd 
at once of these grave and reverend 
seigneurs suddenly blow up into such 

some sort of long range. Then we would 
open fire. Barring luck, the wildebeest 
would thereupon depart, " wilder and bees- 
tier than ever, " as John McCutcheon has 
it. Not at all. Michael, the Hottentot, 
turned the buckboard off the road, headed 
toward the distant quarry, and charged 
at full speed! Over stones we went that 
sent us feet into the air, down and out of 
shallow gullies that seemed as though 
they would jerk the pole from the vehicle, 
with a grand rattlety-bang, everyone 
hanging on for his life. I was entirely 
occupied with the state of my spinal col- 
umn and the retention of my teeth, but 
McMillan must have been keeping his 
eye on the game. One peculiarity of the 



wildebeest is that he cannot see behind 
him, and another is that he is curious. 
It would not require a very large bump 
of curiosity, however, to cause any animal 
to wonder what all the row was about. 
There could be no doubt that this animal 
would sooner or later stop for an instant 
to look back for the purpose of seeing 
what was up in jungle-land; and just 
before doing so he would, for a few steps, 
slow down from a gallop to a trot. Mc- 
Millan was watching for this symptom. 

"Now!" he yelled, when he saw it. 

Instantly Michael threw his weight into 
the right rein and against the brake. We 

Immediately the beast was off again at a 
tearing run, pursued by a rapid fusillade 
from the remaining shots. Then, with a 
violent jerk and a yell, we were off again. 
This time, since the animal was 
wounded, he made for rougher country. 
And everywhere that wildebeest went we 
too were sure to go. We hit or shaved 
boulders that ought to have smashed a 
wheel, we tore through thick brush re- 
gardless. Twice we charged unhesitat- 
ingly over apparent precipices, i do not 
know the name of the manufacturer of the 
buckboard. If 1 did, I should certainly 
recommend it here. Twice more we 



swerved so violently to the right and 
stopped so suddenly that I nearly landed 
on the broad prairies. The manoeuvre 
fetched us up broadside. The small 
black syce — and heavens knows how be 
had managed to hang on — darted to the 
heads of the leading mules. At the same 
moment the wildebeest turned, and 
stopped; but even before he had swung 
his head, McMillan had fired. It was 
extraordinary good quick work, the way 
he picked up the long range from the 
spurts of dust where the bullets hit. At 
the third or fourth shot he landed one. 

swerved to our broadside and cut loose 
the port batteries. Once more McMillan 
hit. Then, on the fourth "run." we 
gained perceptibly. The beast was weak- 
ening. When he came to a stumbling 
halt we were not over a hundred yards 
from him, and McMillan easily broughl 
him down. We had chased him four or 
five miles, and McMillan had tired nine- 
teen shots, of which two had hit. The 
rifle practice throughout had been re- 
markably good, and a treat to watch. 
Personally, besides the fun of attending 
the show, I got some mighty good exercise. 




(inventor of wireless telegraphy) 

IF THERE is one lesson, above all Berlin convention — to which the United 

others, to be drawn from the Titanic s States is not yet a party — under which 

loss," said Signor Marconi, "it is the every ship is bound to receive and respond 

necessity, or, at least, the desirability, to the 'C. Q. D.' or 'S. O. S.' signals of 

of having two wireless operators on any other ship of any nation. This con- 

every ship equipped with wireless appa- vention also governs the transmission of 

ratus — as almost all passenger ships and messages between ships and shore stations, 

many freighters are now equipped. That Beyond such regulations and those bearing 

statement should not require any explana- upon possible loss of vessels or of lives, I 

tion. The Titanic carried two operators, hardly think it feasible for international 

but that was because she carried a large agreements to go. It would be unfair to 

number of first and second cabin passengers impose and difficult to enforce, for instance, 

and was likely to have a great deal of an international agreement requiring ships 

wireless business of a personal and com- to receive and relay commercial or press 

mercial nature to attend to on that ac- messages, 
count. So far as she was concerned, it 

would have made no difference whether control of amateurs 
she had two operators or only one, after "Another necessity, if wireless tele- 
she struck the iceberg that wrecked her. graphy is to reach its highest possibilities 
A single operator, even if asleep in his of usefulness, is some sort of governmental 
berth, could have been aroused and have regulation and control of amateur ex- 
sent out the 'C. Q. D.' signal practically perimenters. I do not know how far the 
as quickly as it actually was sent. But on United States Government can legally go 
board the Carpathia, there was but one in that direction, but the system adopted 
operator, and it was by the merest accident in England and Continental Europe works 
that he received the Titanic s signal at all. admirably. Thefe nobody may erect a 
If he had not lingered at his work long wireless pole or conduct experiments in 
after he was officially off duty, the Titanic s wireless without a permit issued by the 
boats would not have been picked up for Government. By the terms of such per- 
several more hours, for the other ships mits, severe penalties are inflicted for 
that got the signal did not reach the scene failure to observe all the rules laid down 
of the accident as quickly as the Car- for the government of wireless, for inter- 
pathia. fering with official or commercial communi- 

"Of course, owners of vessels object to cation or for sending false information, 

the expense of a second operator when one The penalty in England for disclosing the 

is sufficient to send out all the calls likely contents of any intercepted message is 

to originate on a given ship. But as a two years' imprisonment. All my own 

matter, not merely of humanitarianism, experimental work is conducted under 

but of the mutual protection of all ships, these licenses, one for each experiment 

there should be, by some sort of enforce- station, and I am bound by the regulations 

able international agreement, compulsory as much as any amateur, 

provision of two operators on every ship " It would be perfectly feasible to limit 

having wireless equipment. amateurs to a given wave-length, that 

"We already have an international would not interfere with the ordinary corn- 
agreement governing wireless at sea — the mercial or Government instruments. Such 



regulations should also provide against the 
sending of unauthorized messages by 
amateurs to the press. The jumble of 
messages, originating no one knows where, 
and possibly pieced together by some ama- 
teur experimenter out of fragments of 
authentic messages caught in transmission, 
which lulled the whole world into a false 
sense of security after the first announce- 
ment of the accident to the Titanic, should 
never be repeated. Yet, of course, any 
regulations that it may be feasible to adopt 
should be administered with a liberal hand 
and not made onerous or restrictive to a 
degree that might hamper the progress of 
science by stifling inventive activity. 

"The whole field of wireless telegraphy 
has been so greatly enlarged in recent years 
and so greatly has its efficiency been in- 
creased, that one is justified to-day in tak- 
ing the broadest possible view of its prob- 
able future development and importance 
as a, means of communication. And it 
must inevitably come at some time under 
such reasonable regulation as will insure 
its most beneficial use. 


" Recent progress in wireless has not 
been by any single great step forward, but 
by a succession of comparatively minute 
advances. The one great forward step 
was taken ten years ago, when wireless 
communication across the Atlantic ocean 
was established. Since then the advances 
have been mainly in the progressive im- 
provement of the instruments and the 
continual increase in the number of sta- 
tions, both afloat and ashore. The most 
modern wireless equipment for ships, such 
as that on the Titanic, now has a range, 
under exceptionally favorable conditions, 
of 2,000 miles. In fact, messages from 
ships lying in New York harbor have been 
received in Europe. Under normal con- 
ditions such an equipment as the Titanic's 
has a range of about 400 miles, whereas the 
average range of theCarpathia's equipment, 
for example, is only about 100 miles. It 
is only a question of time when the stand- 
ard equipment for all important ships will 
equal or exceed in range and power that 
of the best and largest ships todaj . 

"One of the important developments of 

the future will be the protection of private 
messages, within certain limitations. Of 
course, it is necessary that ships at sea 
shall be able to communicate with each 
other and with all shore stations freely, 
at all times. Between purely commercial 
stations, however, it is becoming possible 
to guard against the stealing of messages 
by unauthorized persons. Even if some 
enterprising individual were to succeed 
in eluding the vigilance of the Canadian 
authorities and were to erect a wireless 
station where the trans-Atlantic press 
messages nightly transmitted in almost 
unlimited volume for the American papers 
could be picked up, they would have their 
labor for their pains. 

"It is safe, in view of recent develop- 
ments, to predict a very widely extended 
use of wireless over land in the not far 
distant future. Already the wireless is 
being used successfully for overland com- 
munication in East Africa, Brazil, Canada, 
Italy, India, and Spain. Madrid is in 
communication with many other cities in 
Spain by wireless. Bombay and Calcutta 
are centres of extensive inland wireless 
communication. I expect to see this over- 
land wireless service greatly increased in 
the next few years, with the result of 
greatly reducing the cost of communica- 
tion between distant points; for the instal- 
lation of wireless systems is vastly cheaper 
than the cost of erecting poles and string- 
ing wires, to say nothing of the cost of 
maintaining the latter. 

" But far more important than any com- 
mercial or utilitarian considerations is the 
value of the wireless, as demonstrated in 
the cases of the Republic and the Titanic, 
as a means of saving lives at sea. To 
have contributed, in any degree, to this 
possibility, is a source of profound grati- 
fication. Of course, the wireless cannot 
bring aid if there are no ships within range 
that are able to arrive in time to rescue 
those in danger, but in both the cases I 
have mentioned, aid was at hand, and the 
frightful loss of life in the Titanic disaster 
was not the fault of the wireless. 

"The need for more powerful equip- 
ment and two operators for every ship are 
the principal wireless lessons to be drawn 
from the Titanic disaster." 






O PREACHER for mine." anything else. But surely there is no 

He was a high-school boy who reason why a minister should not be 

spoke so fashionably in re- as regularly and well paid as anybody else 

sponse to the question, "What and it is humiliating when it is not 

are you going to be?" which so. The element of super-naturalism 

all boys and some girls have put to them which formerly put a clergyman on a level 

by inquiring and perhaps disinterested which, if it was not above, was at least 

friends. "No preacher for mine." He quite different from that of other men, 

was my son — the son of a preacher. And no longer exists to any great extent. The 

he said it with an emphasis which be- thought of the minister as priest is passing 

trayed an earnest, if not a deep rooted, and perhaps we have here a suggested 

dislike of the profession. The mother explanation. We ministers are constantly 

sympathized with the boy's attitude, reminded — just as if we could ever 

1 do not blame her. The minister's wife forget it — that a minister is only a man. 

has about as hard a lot as any woman — And yet, willy-nilly, we are thought of 

her story deserves to be told. I felt as being in a separate class. The satiric 

myself a sympathizer too, though I would division of the human race into men, 

not openly acknowledge it before the lad, women, and ministers is not without its 

and do not even now. point and significance, distasteful though 

Questioning failed to elicit any reasons it be. It seems to come natural to people, 

for this antagonism to the profession that to a great many people if not to all, to 

his father has followed for about twenty think and act toward us as though we 

years. But I suspect that the boy felt were different. To me this is offensive, 

most of all that the financial returns were but the fact is there, 

by no means commensurate with the It seems to be expected of a minister 

labor involved or with the needs of life, that he is not in the work for any money 

There may have been other facts which consideration. "We don't like to think 

stirred in the boy this feeling of revolt of our minister as a money maker." " I 

and made him determined to fight out hate a business minister." " I don't 

life's battles on other lines. I cannot want our minister to be mixed up in busi- 

answer for his decision. But I think ness." 

I know some of the reasons, or rather These are sentiments that I have often 

the features, which make the preaching heard expressed by men who were not of 

profession so very unattractive. the over-godly type. When it turns out 

that ministers have been caught in the 

THE FINANCIAL ASPECT ^ caused fey the bankruptcy of a 

I have small patience with much that bucket-shop or stock-brokerage concern 

has been said by men who have left the there at once goes up a chorus of disap- 

ministry as to their reasons for so doing, proval of the clergy who risked their *few 

Least of all have I patience with those hard-saved dollars in an attempt to make 

who say they have given up the profession a little extra and much needed money, 

because it is so poorly paid. It has been There is no sympathy for these unfortun- 

my observation that these have not met ates, of the cloth but much condemnation, 

with any noticeable financial success at The high-salaried minister — and there 



are only a few such — is looked upon 
with ill-concealed scorn. We may talk 
about our salaries being insufficient prop- 
erly to maintain the self-respect of our 
families, yet the fact remains that the 
sentiment of the people is against a money- 
making ministry. The reasons for this, 
if not many, are too subtle and deep for 
portrayal. Possibly it is nothing more 
than ancient custom. So, under the cir- 
stances, the damning of the ministry as 
financially degrading and repellant is not 
the point. 1 take it that any man enter- 
ing the ministry must, of necessity, 
sacrifice any financial aspirations he may 
have, and he is not a real man if he cannot 
do it graciously. 1 notice that some have 
said that they will have no more of the 
ministry because the prospect of getting 
ahead in it is so hopeless. The minister 
is sure of ending his days in poverty. 
The same amount of intelligence and 
energy put into any other work would be 
more remunerative. The chances for ad- 
vancement and success are so wretchedly 
slim and the amount of senseless, incon- 
siderate, and unmerited criticism is so great 
— these are some other frequently given 
reasons as to why men do not become 
preachers, and why many cease to be. 

None of these reasons seem to me to be 
in any way creditable. 1 know what it 
is to have a small salary, and after twenty 
years of unremitting toil 1 cannot make 
both ends meet without trying to pick up 
a few extra dollars with my pen, and my 
wife must sometimes turn her scholastic 
abilities to financial account also. 1 
know what it is to have a salary not only 
small but desperately irregular. I under- 
stand, I think, as well as any man can, 
that the future in the ministry holds no 
financial promise. I know, too, what 
ignorant and bitter criticism is. These 
things and more of like nature 1 under- 
stand from personal experience. And 
I have chafed under these facts until 1 
am, not calloused, but positively sore. 
Still, 1 am not blind to the fact that 
pretty much all these same disagreeable 
things could be said about every other 
profession and occupation on the face of 
the earth. What man is not criticised and 
complained against by ignorant, selfish, 

bigoted persons? How many in distinctly 
secular occupations — the business man, 
the professional man — are not forced 
to swallow in silence and with pleasant 
faces many an indignity? Have I not 
seen storekeepers and others boil with 
rage and yet "for business reasons" keep 
a silent tongue and act agreeably! And 
as to smallness of income, are there not 
many, not only among the hand-workers 
but among the brain-workers as well, 
who do not more than make ends meet? 
And do not these also hope and strive in 
vain to attain even a reasonable degree 
of success? Irregular and uncertain sal- 
ary? — do I not know many outside of 
my profession who are driven almost to 
distraction because the money which is 
theirs by right does not come in and they 
can't get it in? 


But there are some features of the 
ministry which, if not at all peculiar to 
it, as 1 have intimated, at least take on a 
different aspect. Our experience of these 
things pinches at a little different spot. 
A shoe is uncomfortable, becomes un- 
wearable, not because it pinches but be- 
cause it pinches the tenderest spot. 

In all parts of the Christian world the 
ministry is looked upon and spoken of as 
a decaying institution. Few, 1 know, 
are willing to admit that they believe 
the church and religious organizations 
are on the down-grade which leads ulti- 
mately to extinction. Yet if, as is true, 
the number of men who enter the ministry 
is growing smaller each year; if vacant 
churches are increasing and vacant pews 
grow in number; if the proportion of 
church-members to the total population 
is an ever-declining proportion — and that 
seems to be the fact; if the intellectual 
standing of the ministry is becoming lower 
and the influence of the pulpit less and 
less; if these facts are true — and there 
seems to be no escape from them — then 
verily we must confess, however unwill- 
ingly, that the end of the life of the church 
is not many generations away. That 
leads to a complicated question. But 
the facts being in the air — and quite 
real — the preacher cannot well escape 



feeling that his profession is a decadent 
one. And no live, hopeful, ambitious 
man really cares to be a representative 
of an institution that has run its course. 
He may argue with himself, very earnestly 
and honestly, and really bring himself to 
believe that the church is the one institu- 
tion which the world cannot afford to let 
die; that the ministry is the noblest and 
most blessed work this side of heaven; 
but he cannot prevent these unfavorable 
facts from haunting him, asleep and awake. 
It doesn't solve the problem to say that 
we ministers should be willing martyrs to 
a noble cause; that it is noble and brave 
to go down with the ship. For, after all, 
"a live dog is better than a dead lion." 
There is in man to-day just as strong a 
spirit to live and sacrifice for a cause as 
there ever was — when the cause dis- 
tinctly and clearly has a future. But 
when we are met at every turn by facts 
which indicate that ours is a "slowly 
dying cause," that it plainly has had its 
day and soon will " cease to be," well — 
then it is different. We ministers may 
talk and write about the church just 
"waking up to its mission," that "the 
opportunity of the church was never 
greater," that "the spiritual power of the 
church was never so strong," and the 
" call to the church to be the moral leader 
never so loud and insistent"; we may 
assure ourselves and one another that we 
are the most needed workers in the divine 
vineyard. Yet we cannot get away from 
the wretched, discouraging feeling that 
the world — and not the worst part of the 
world, either — has repudiated us and 
the institution we are trying to hold to- 
gether. We may fool ourselves a part of 
the time but we cannot fool ourselves all 
the time. And I cannot see how any 
minister can escape being extremely pessi- 
mistic as to the worth of his work when 
he feels it necessary, as he often does, to 
advertise conspicuously that the "service 
to-night will be entirely musical," with 
perhaps something smaller than a ser- 
monette thrown in; or when he must give 
up preaching on a Sunday evening and 
have, instead, an "at home" function in 
the church, serving refreshments and 
adding zest to the occasion by something 

approaching theatricals. There must 
come into the minister's heart a deep sense 
of hopelessness when he feels driven to 
"moving-pictures" to get the people to 
church, or to have a Sunday evening 
smoker to get the men together under 
the sacred roof. A preacher positively 
cannot feel inspired, or even happy in his 
work, when driven by the consciousness 
that the people are getting away from 
him, and therefore he must resort to the 
heart-aching, the back-aching job of or- 
ganizing "men's clubs," "young people's 
societies" "institutional churches" — all 
of them perhaps good things, but which 
surely get nowhere. The departments 
for "social welfare" which some of the 
denominations have recently organized 
and the setting up of a "labor temple" 
in the metropolis reflect not so much the 
Church's passion for social service as the 
desperate situation in which the Church 
finds itself. The so-called " social awaken- 
ing" of the Church is not a sign of hope- 
fulness but at bottom a desperate attempt 
to revivify an institution that seems to be 
decaying at both ends of the age line. 
It may seem strange that it should 
be so, yet so it is. The Church's 
entrance into "social work" adds to the 
hopelessness of the ministerial profession. 
For the minister soon discovers that all 
these devices do not lead to the prosperity 
and success, do not produce the results 
which every man worth his salt wishes 
to achieve. Through it all a man may 
carry a bright face and be bright of speech, 
but deep down is the wish that he could 
escape from it all. 


After twenty years I am still in the 
ministry; but, like so many more of my 
brethren, not happily so. The minister 
who feels happy in his work is a very 
unambitious being and he is capable of 
eating a great amount of humble pie 
more graciously than is consistent with 
self-respecting manhood. 

1 think 1 know some other places where 
the shoe has pinched me hardest. And 
though I do not speak for others I suspect 
their feelings are tenderest in much the 
same spots, if they would only own up to 



the truth. And, be it understood, my 
ministerial career, while not marked with 
any noticeable success, has not been 
unusually thorny. 

The worst feature of the financial side 
of the ministry is seldom referred to. It 
is the habit which many have of regarding 
us as objects of charity, though perhaps 
having more than the average amount of 
respectability. Gifts are often sent not 
out of love for us, nor out of appreciation 
for the work we are doing or trying to do, 
but out of the general belief that we are 
so poorly paid as to be almost if not 
actually in need. Though gifts of money 
and supplies do come in mighty handy, it 
hurts when you know these gifts are given 
in the spirit of charity — just to help the 
poor parson along — and this when we 
know we have earned every penny we 
get ten times over. 

Another distressing element in minis- 
terial finances is the manner in which 
the money is gotten together. Not only 
does the minister earn several times more 
than his salary, but the minister's wife 
and the wives of other men have to work 
like slaves at all sorts of fairs, suppers, 
sewing-bees, before the salary is in the 
church treasury. Now, 1 submit, it makes 
a man feel pretty cheap to take the money 
which women have earned. That is what 
church fairs mean — hard work, lots of 
it, by women, and all to get money for the 
minister. Living on the proceeds of 
women — distinctly that is not creditable; 
it is humiliating, it stirs a man to revolt. 

And then these good women have to go 
out and solicit contributions in several 
kinds, beg, in fact, for what? — for the 
minister's salary, forsooth. Nor is that the 
end. Money is often raised in ways that do 
not bring comfort to the soul of an idealist; 
and the minister who is not an idealist at 
heart is neither a help nor a credit to the 
profession. Euchre parties are held that 
money may be made, and innumerable 
lottery devices used which are in spirit 
if not in fact — usually both — violations 
of the law of the land. The skill mani- 
fested in devising some gambling or 
lottery scheme which will miss the letter 
of the anti-gambling and anti-lottery 
laws is appalling and disgusting when you 

recall the purpose for which it is done. 
Tainted money is what they bring. How 
can a man who is paid with tainted money 
feel much self-respect? it makes one 
wish he could get away from it once and 
for all. 

It is hateful and humiliating for a man 
who aspires to be a moral and spiritual 
leader to be financed with funds gained 
in such corrupting ways. And it is like- 
wise humiliating to be forced by the very 
circumstances of the case to spend hours, 
days, helping to think up and work out 
some new-fangled sort of sociable, some- 
thing odd, something striking, that will 
get the money out of the pockets into the 
church treasury. 1 believe it would be 
decidedly for the better and that the 
church would become what it certainly is 
hot now, a fearless and aggressive leader 
for moral and spiritual betterment, if 
the minister's income were assured from 
some permanent, perhaps public, source. 
I know that the present system of getting 
church funds is demoralizing all around. 


All this is bad enough, but there are 
other things which hurt and humiliate 
a man fully as much. His position is 
often at the mercy of chits of girls. A man 
of culture and experience, and of high 
worth, must come or go at the bidding of 
men, women, and children who may be 
in all respects his inferiors. It was on a 
train one day that 1 heard a group of 
girls, in age about fourteen or sixteen, 
discussing the call of a minister to the 
church they happened to be connected 
with by birth or some other accident, and 
after much earnest talk back and forth 
one little miss said, with ureat wagging of 
the head, " 1 sha'n't vote for him. 'Think 
of it! Well do 1 recall instances where a 
group of disgruntled children — nothing 
more — have forced the resignation of 
very worthy ministers. What man cares 
to submit himself to such indignity? 
What man of self-respect will consent to 
have his fitness or unfitness judged by a 
lot of silly, lightheaded children? 

A man — and in spite of the fact that 
1 am a minister I persist in regarding my- 
self as a man — expects to be criticised. 



He can stand criticism. He ought to 
stand it. It is good for a healthy man; 
it is better for an unhealthy one. If he 
doesn't arouse criticism it is a sure sign 
that he is studiously playing to the preju- 
dices and vanities of his people. When 
criticism becomes rife it is certain that he 
has jolted the people out of their self- 
complacency and is administering some- 
thing more substantial than predigested 
food, all which is more than well. Criti- 
cism of this sort a man can stand and 
rejoice in. But 1 am thinking of the lot 
of petty criticism which is beneath notice 
and yet hurts — perhaps its very in- 
significance hurts, and eventually it stirs 
the soul to rebellion. The tone of the 
minister's voice, the fashion of his hair, 
the gestures he makes, and even the 
creasing of his trousers, are matters which 
bring favor or disfavor, usually the latter. 
I know a man whose chances in a certain 
prominent church were ruined because he 
crossed his legs when in the pulpit; and 
another had his career cut short because 
some one in the congregation thought 
that his shirts weren't laundered prop- 
erly or frequently enough. Then we 
are condemned if we do not call on this 
person before we call on that; and if we 
find one family more companionable 
than another then there is all sorts of 
underground trouble. It has been my 
experience that a minister does not usually 
suffer much interference or criticism from 
the great or wealthy members of the 
church. It is usually the members who 
seldom help in money or in work who have 
the most criticisms to offer, and their 
criticisms are invariably as small and 
malicious as they are. They are small 
enough to be ignored, it would seem, but 
it is their very persistency and littleness 
that makes them so unbearable. And 
eventually the poison spreads to others. 
The worst is that these people are pleas- 
ant to your face but pour out their criti- 
cisms behind your back. They are the 
black-hands of the church, the people 
who try to destroy a man when and where 
he has no chance of self-defence. I re- 
member once visiting a former parish. 
Walking along the streets saluting those 
I knew, I saw a young woman approach- 

ing. The face was familiar, I thought, 
but was not at all sure until she had 
passed me. 1 had gone by but a few 
steps when I suddenly recalled who she 
was. I turned about quickly and hastened 
to catch up with her. I apologized for 
not noticing her before and suggested 
that she should have spoken to me. " I 
saw you didn't notice me," she answered 
with some asperity in her voice, " but I 
thought I'd just see whether you would 
pass a poor person without speaking." 
Had I not turned back just as I did I 
should have been published among her 
many friends as a snob. Less than that 
has sufficed to destroy a minister's work. 
The petty, unintentional, honest-purposed 
things in a minister's conduct are often 
taken up and made over into serious 
faults and in some instances into evils. 

In another instance I had just gone 
to a new field. One of the men in the 
parish worked in a grocery store and he 
also drove around the town delivering; 
goods. I jumped on the wagon one 
morning and went along, mainly, I think, 
because I wished to see the town, learn as 
much of it as I could. It wasn't long 
before I heard in a roundabout way that 
some of the good church people were 
afraid I wasn't dignified enough. I re- 
plied by riding around on the delivery 
wagon oftener perhaps than I would have 
done. Still, the criticism rankled. Ob- 
jection has been made because my wife 
taught school occasionally to earn a little 
of the money we needed. " It reflects on 
the church," we were told, "gives the 
impression that the church can't pay a 
living salary" — and it couldn't. In 
looking for a house in a new parish we 
were warned against taking a house any- 
where except in a certain section of the 
city. To live elsewhere would probably 
'hurt the church; all of which meant we 
must pay more rent than we could at all 

The man who quits the ministry for 
any or all these reasons never ought to 
have gone into it. In his heart he knows 
such excuses are really fraudulent. Any 
one who refrains from going into the 
ministry for such reasons is not the man 
for that or any profession or occupation. 



I have often thought it would be interest- 
ing, illuminating, if we could hear why this 
man gave up the practice of law for some- 
thing else; why that one gave up the 
medical profession; why another swung 
from this business to that. Just why so 
much should be made of men leaving the 
ministry, and so little made of the giving 
up of other professions, is beyond me. 
Nevertheless, there is a viciousness about 
petty fault finding of the sort described 
that hurts not only the dignity of the 
preacher but the dignity of the church 
as well. 

Criticism of a still more galling kind, 
and that must be endured in silence, is 
found in the reasons sometimes given 
why people leave the church. One person 
decided to leave the church, or at least 
not to come again, because I hurt her 
feelings in speaking disapprovingly of a 
well known hymn which happened to be 
a "dear favorite." Another family de- 
cided not to "step inside the church again" 
because 1 ventured to criticise the literary 
productions of their political idol. Another 
took me to task because my sermons made 
him feel uncomfortable. "What we 
want," he said, "is a gospel that soothes, 
and rests, and comforts us." 1 replied that 
they had better get somebody else. Still, 
the criticism was a thorn in the flesh. I 
always felt it, too, as a gag in my mouth. 
" 1 can't come here and hear other persons' 
ideas criticized," was another reason given. 
I have known a whole family to quit 
the church because, in distributing hymn- 
books at a special service, I was so intent 
on seeing that the strangers present were 
supplied, that I overlooked the fact that 
the family in question was without 
hymnals. The oversight — for such it 
was --was construed as a deliberate 
slight and to get that family back meant 
profuse apologies and expressions of regret 
without end and a thousand eloquenl 
assurances that the church couldn't very 
well get along without them. Another 
man left the church because 1 didn't buy 
my clothing at his store. 

I<> keep peace in the church family we 
found it necessar) on one occasion to em- 
plo) . i woman physician. The results were 
well lor the church, but after neari ^ twenty 

years one of us still suffers from that experi- 
ence. Persons have a right to take excep- 
tions to a minister's preaching and to his 
conduct. 1 have enjoyed the criticisms 
which some have made — but when a minis- 
ter must eternally ask, not whether what 
he plans to say is true and needs to be said, 
but whether Miss This and Mrs. That 
and Mr. So-and-So will be offended or 
hurt or discomforted, it becomes too 
humiliating for a man of honor and self- 
respect. To be told, not in so many words 
of course, but in a fashion more eloquent, 
that unless you please so-and-so and favor 
so-and-so with your trade your salary 
will run short- that does not tend to 
make the ministry attractive. 

Who is there to cast a stone at the 
minister if he loses heart for remaining 
at his post? Even rats will flee when 
aware that the ship's career is nearing 
the end. And it would be strange if 
man were not prompted by an impulse 
to get from under a structure that is 
tottering to its fall. There is nothing 
safe, nothing glorious nor worth while, 
in being buried under the ruins even of a 
sacred building. When the passengers 
have all departed has not the captain a 
right to leap? 


There is another phase of the work 
which in my judgment is most humilia- 
ting of all. And in this I give first place to 
the deceitful, the low-motived, the des- 
picable, the under-handed forms of com- 
petition between the churches. If the 
Church ever was a soul-saving institution 
it certainly is not that now. It is busy 
body-snatching. All the churches care 
lor is numbers, numbers, and more num- 
bers. Ministers will (shall I say must) 
go to any length of perfidy and dishonest v 
to secure members. Fhey will urgently, 
persistently press into the membership 
of their churches persons who publicly 
deny the doctrines and openly flout every 
provision of the church's discipline, pro- 
vided, of course, such persons are socially 
and financially desirable. Let a new 
family of some standing move into a 
community and there is at once a grand 
scramble among the clergy to "get" the 



newcomer. Each is afraid the other will 
"get" the prize. And each tries to win 
by methods which, morally and spiritually 
considered — which even from a straight 
business standpoint — are abject and 
disgraceful. 'You will come to our 
church if you wish to be taken up by 
the best society," says one. "The most 
intellectual people in the city go to our 
church," is another's ground of approach. 
If the newcomer happens to have a pref- 
erence it is often brushed aside by these 
clerical drummers with "O, you don't 
want to go there, I'm sure. Nobody 
worth considering ever thinks of going 
to that place. You belong with us." 
"Our church is the oldest in the place. 
All the leading families belong to it. It 
is interesting, it gives a certain dignity 
to belong to such an institution," is the 
talking-point of another. "O yes, I know 
we have a creed. But no one has to 
believe it unless he wants to. To tell 
you the truth, I don't believe it myself 
any more than you do. When I repeat 
the creed on Sunday I just put my own 
interpretation on it. You can do the 
same. You know I am something of a 
liberal myself and avoid all controversial 
matters. I believe in letting everybody 
believe just as little or just as much as 
he likes." That is the scheme of another 
fellow-minister who, on the same day, 
called on another possible "prize" and 
who, having scented the theological aroma, 
deemed it prudent to emphasize the 
necessity of believing the creed in all its 
literalness. It is "good-God" or "good- 
devil" as seems most likely to catch. 
This competition obtains not only between 
the clergy of different denominations but 
also between the clergy of the same faith. 
Each minister is striving not to make 
truth and grace abound, but to catch some- 
body to add to his church, fill a pew, and 
add to the income. 

And what could not be said of the de- 
vices used to get children away from 
one Sunday-school to another? What 
minister does not from the bottom of his 
heart hate being forced to try to outdo 
other Sunday-schools in giving Christmas- 
trees, Christmas-gifts, picnics, parties, 
and other schemes which appeal to the 

cupidity, the pride, the thoughtlessness 
of children in order to keep the children 
from being enticed elsewhere? What 
minister has not in the secret of his heart 
become disgusted with the whole business 
when he finds himself obliged to give first 
place to social fads instead of moral 
instruction — and all for the purpose of 
keeping his young folk from being lured 
away by competing church societies? All 
this is unbearably offensive to the man who 
believes that the churches should stand 
for religious values. Such cut-throat 
competition makes the whole heart sick. 
A decent, self-respecting minister becomes 
ashamed to look himself in the face. 

What other profession is quite so sub- 
ject to the stings and rebuffs of the petty 
selfishnesses of petty human nature. That 
children and young people should be lured 
from one church to another by social 
functions and worthless amusements and 
glittering gew-gaws can be passably 
endured. But that adults should leave the 
church of their faith in the lurch on 
purely social grounds is, to say the least, 
disgusting. 1 have known parents with 
growing daughters to leave a small church 
and go to a larger one of quite different 
faith because they believed it to be to the 
social and marital advantage of their 
daughters. 1 have known also persons of 
standing, of repute, I have thought, men 
and women of whom one would expect 
better things, to leave the church in which 
they had been brought up and go to an- 
other of the same faith, and only a few 
short blocks distant, for the simple and 
sole reason that the church they have 
moved into is the home of a more fashion- 
able and exclusive set in which they wish 
to move. 

I am not saying that the ministry is the 
only profession subject to such humiliating 
experiences. I do not wish to be under- 
stood as saying that these features which I 
have tried to enumerate and illustrate jus- 
tify a man in leaving the ministry or that 
they warrant any man staying out of it. 
1 have tried to tell what, in my judgment, 
are the experiences of my profession which 
are most unbearable, most intensely hu- 
miliating, and which more than anything 
else drive men out into other professions. 





NATIONAL nominating con- 
ventions sometimes do aston- 
ishing things, such as choosing 
candidates of whom the peo- 
ple know little or thinklightly ; 
a spark, in the electrically charged air of a 
great crowd of men under racking tension, 
may presage a thunderbolt that strikes in 
most unexpected places. Presidential can- 
didates have been made by a phrase; elec- 
tions have been lost by a rival's dramatic 
coup. Who will leave the convention doors 
at Baltimore and Chicago, this month, to 
go before the people ? Here are some of 
the strange mischances that have upset 
the calculations of shrewd politicians of 
the past: 


" Now we'll blow Van out of the water," 
exclaimed Robert J. Walker of Missis- 
sippi, after he, Cave Johnson, and other 
Southern opponents of Van Buren had, in 
1843, obtained a letter from Jackson (then 
in retirement at the Hermitage, and who 
was ignorant of the plot against his friend) 
urging Texas annexation. They planned 
to publish this letter just before the Demo- 
cratic national convention of 1844, in 
which Van Buren was to have a long lead 
for the nomination at the outset. While 
in the presidency, Van Buren opposed 
Texas annexation, partly because he was 
unwilling to extend the area of slaverx . 
but chiefly because it would bring war with 
Mexico. He still opposed it. and his 
Democratic enemies knew it. 

One of the conspirators, William H. Ham- 
met, a Mississippi Congressman, backed by 
some of the friends of Buchanan and 
Cass, who also sought the nomination, 
drew a letter from Van Buren a month 

before the convention, in which his posi- 
tion was outlined. Hammet gave this 
to the newspapers. As annexation by that 
time had become the paramount issue in 
the South, his enemies rallied against him 
all the uninstructed Southern delegates, 
and some of the instructed. 

The next step in the conspiracy came 
in the convention when one of Van Buren's 
enemies moved that "the rules of 1832" 
should govern nominations. This meant 
the two thirds vote requirement, which 
had prevailed from 1832 onward, but which 
did not affect the result, as Jackson in 1832 
and Van Buren in 1836 and 1840 had no 
opposition for the candidacy. In 1844 
that rule was brought forward to defeat 
Van Buren. In an impassioned speech 
the leader of the Van Buren forces in the 
convention, Benjamin F. Butler, Jack- 
son's old attorney general, asked the dele- 
gates if they were aware that this rule 
would "place the majority at the mercy 
of the minority?" Marcus Morton, another 
of the ex-president's supporters, denounced 
it as "unfair and undemocratic." Never- 
theless, by the aid of many delegates com- 
mitted to Buchanan and Cass, the two 
thirds rule carried. 

" You have voted on Van Buren instead 
of on the rules of 1832," shouted Daniel 
S. Dickinson of New York. He was right. 
While Van Buren obtained a majority on 
the first ballot, and thus would have been 
nominated had that been a Whig or a 
Republican convention, he fell back stead- 
lh until defeat became inevitable. 


Another sensation came when a Virginia 
delegate proposed James K. Polk as a 
" pure, whole-hogged Democrat," and a 

"friend of annexation," and he received 


ever met — the Democratic assemblage 
which opened in Charleston on Monday, 
April 23, i860 — when, after several days 
of vain effort to reach an agreement on a 
declaration of principles for the campaign, 
two platforms, widely divergent on the 
dominant issue of the day, were reported, 
between which the convention was called 
upon to make a choice. That which was 
put forward by the Southern element 
aided by California and Oregon, which 
were swung to the Southern side by 

44 votes. That was the eighth ballot. 
Confronted with this new portent, Butler 
withdrew Van Buren's name, all the other 
aspirants subsided, and the first presiden- 
tial dark horse made his advent. 

" Polk ! Great God, what a nomination!" 
wrote Governor Robert P. Letcher to 

The issue which defeated Van Buren 
for the candidacy overthrew Henry Clay at 
the polls. Receiving a unanimous nomina- 
tion in the Whig convention in compensa- Buchanan's Federal officeholders, declared 
tion for his betrayal four years earlier, he that neither Congress nor the territorial 
was baited by some Southern Whigs into Legislature had the power to prevent 
making concessions to slavery on the Texas slavery from entering a territory, or to 
question in letters which were intended for abolish it while there. That of the North- 
Southern circulation, but which quickly ern section of the party, which had Douglas 
found their way into Northern papers. for its presidential favorite, proposed to 

"This makes our work here useless, leave the matter to the Supreme Court, 
Our cause is lost!" exclaimed Joshua R. pledging itself to abide by that tribunal's 
Giddings to Cassius M. Clay, as a paper decision. But even with Buchanan, who 
containing the candidate's latest surrender hated Douglas, against them, the North- 
was placed in his hands. This was in ern delegates had a majority of the con- 

vention, and the South knew it. 

Amid thunderous cheers by the men in 
the galleries and the wild waving of hand- 
kerchiefs by the women, the South's most 
accomplished orator, William L. Yancey 
of Alabama, stepped forward to state that 
section's demands. 

"We of the South are in the minority in 
the convention, as we have been taunted 
to-day. In the development of the coun- 
try the Northwest has grown to the pro- 
portions of a giant people. You men of 
the North say that slavery does not exist 
When, on the forty-ninth ballot in the by the law of nature or the law of God, 

Cleveland on the morning of the day in 
which the greatest Whig mass meeting of 
the campaign was to take place in that 
social capital of the Western Reserve, a 
radiating centre of abolition sentiment, 
and these two were to be the star orators 
of the occasion. Giddings's forecast was 
correct. Enough anti-slavery Whigs in the 
decisive state of New York went over to 
Birney, the abolition candidate, to give 
that state and the presidency to Polk. 


Democratic convention in 1852, North 
Carolina started the drift toward Pierce, 
who had not been brought into the list of 
aspirants until Virginia gave him a few 
votes on the thirty-fifth ballot, and who 
was not thought of as a serious possibility, 

but only by the law of the State, and that 
it is wicked, but that you are not to blame 
for it. That's your position, but I tell 
you that your position is wrong. If you 
had said that slavery is right, and ought 
to live and spread, you would have tri- 

consternation seized the friends of Marcy, umphed, and abolition would have died 
Polk's old secretary of war, who was in your midst. But you have gone down 
leading in the vote, with Cass, Buchanan, before the enemy in your own home, 
and Douglas distanced. Horatio Seymour, He has his foot upon your neck. When 
Marcy's manager, made vain efforts to I was a schoolboy in the North abolition- 
stay the tide which suddenly surged to- ists were pelted with rotten eggs. To-day 
ward the New Hampshire man, and he, the abolitionists have spread out into three 
the second dark horse, carried off the prize, bands — the Black Republicans, the Free 
It was a tense moment in the longest and Soilers, and Douglas's Squatter Sover- 
most convulsive national convention that eignty men — all united in declaring that 



slavery is wicked. That's the cause of all 
the discord which afflicts the country 
to-day. And you, Northern Democrats, 
are responsible for it." 

Springing from his seat George E. Pugh 
of Ohio, Douglas's lieutenant in the 
Senate, and the leader of the Douglas 
forces in the convention, exclaimed: 
"Thank God, a bold and honest man has 
at last told us what the South demands. 
You want us to say that slavery is right, 
and ought to be extended. But you 
mistake us. We will never do that. We 
raise no hand against it, for it was here 
before any of us was born, but 1 warn you, 
men of the South, that slavery is wrong, 
wickedly and eternally wrong." 

Uproar ensued, which lasted to and 
through Saturday, and the vote on the 
platforms did not take place till Monday, 
the 30th — the second Monday of the con- 
vention — when the Douglas declaration 
was adopted. 

Then came the climax. Voicing a pro- 
test against the action of the conventions 
and declaring that their constituents in- 
structed them to refuse recognition of 
squatter sovereignty, Walker of Alabama 
and the rest of the delegates of his state 
left the hall. Most of the other Southern 
delegations followed, one member from 
each state making a short speech telling 
why they went out. That of Glenn, 
Mississippi's representative, was thrilling. 
"Gentlemen of the North," said Glenn, 
in a voice trembling with emotion, speak- 
ing for the Mississippi delegation, "as you 
refuse us the protection which we ask, it 
is right that we should part. Go your way 
and we will go ours. The South leaves 
you, not like Hagar, friendless and alone, 
but 1 tell you here that in less than sixty 
days you will find a united South standing 
shoulder to shoulder in defence of its 
rights under the constitution." 

The irrepressible conflict had struck the 
Democratic party. That was the fir^t 
act in the drama of secession. With its 
dividing line along the Mason and Dixon 
boundary, each element of the party at 
Baltimore a few weeks later set up a 
separate ticket, the Northern headed by 
Douglas and the Southern by Breckinridge. 
"In less than twelve months," said 

Alexander H. Stephens of Georgia, "we 
shall be in the midst of a bloody war. 
What is to become of us then, God only 


Before the fragments of the Democracy 
met in Baltimore, the Republicans, now 
confident of victor)', gathered in the Wig- 
wam at Chicago in the first national con- 
vention ever held in that city. 

"Sir, I take the liberty to name as a 
candidate for President of the United 
States, William H. Seward," said William 
M. Evarts of New York. 

"On behalf of the delegation from Illi- 
nois I put in nomination, for president of 
the United States, Abraham Lincoln." It 
was Norman B. Judd of Illinois who said 

This formula was repeated on behalf of 
Chase, Cameron, Bates, and the other 
aspirants. The issue — the determina- 
tion to preserve the territories for freedom, 
and to prevent the creation of any more 
slave states — was the most momentous 
which ever confronted the country, and 
the delegates were in no mood to use super- 
fluous words. 

With Seward leading, but with Lincoln 
rapidly closing the gap, the avalanche 
came on the third ballot. The thundering 
of the cannon on the roof of the Wigwam 
proclaiming the victory of the favorite son 
of Illinois and the West was drowned by 
the tumultuous applause in the hall and 
by the yells of the populace in the streets. 
At that moment, 800 miles to the east- 
ward, there was a widely different scene. 
Cayuga County had poured itself into 
Auburn, Seward's home town, and an 
immense throng gathered in his grounds 
and on the streets near by to acclaim their 
distinguished fellow citizen. Democrats 
were there as well as Republicans. On 
the porch of his house, surrounded by many 
of his immediate friends, sat Seward, calm 
and confident. At their halyards Hags 
tugged for permission to rise. Cannon, 
loaded, awaited the word from Thurlow 
Weed. Seward's manager at Chicago, 
which would permit them to proclaim 
the expected glad tidings. 

Dashing down the street, a horseman 



pulled up at Seward's house and handed 
him a telegram of the first ballot — 
"Seward 173, Lincoln 102." Tumultuous 
cheers greeted it as it was read to the great 
concourse. Carried by the same messenger 
a little later was the second ballot — 
"Seward 184, Lincoln 181." 

" I shall be nominated on the next 
ballot," said Seward. 

Intense emotion swayed the throng as 
it awaited the final word from Weed. A 
vast silence seized it as the messenger 
galloped down with the fateful missive. 
"Lincoln nominated. T. W." 

The man who, during every waking 
hour since Fremont's defeat in 1856, had 
been expecting the candidacy of i860, 
and who, in the minds of Democratic as 
well as Republican leaders, figured in the 
role of his party's standard bearer in 
that year, passed into the house. Flags 
were furled. The cannon, voiceless, rolled 
away, Cayuga County silently dispersed, 
and the curtain fell on as notable a tragedy 
as American politics has seen. 


"This is a grand year; a year filled with 
recollections of the Revolution; a year in 
which the people call for a man who has 
preserved in Congress what our soldiers 
won upon the field; a year in which they 
call for a man who has torn from the throat 
of treason the tongue of slander; for the 
man who has snatched the mask of Demo- 
cracy from the hideous face of rebellion; 
for the man who, like an intellectual ath- 
lete, has stood in the arena of debate and 
challenged all comers, and who is still a 
total stranger to defeat. Like an armed 
warrior, like a plumed knight, James G. 
Blaine marched down the halls of the 
American Congress and threw his shining 
lance full and fair against the brazen fore- 
heads of the defamers of his country and 
the maligners of his honor." 

The convention hall in Cincinnati on 
that June day of 1876, rocked with the 
applause which greeted Col. Robert G. 
Ingersoll's tribute to Blaine. Far in the 
lead on several ballots, Blaine was beaten 
when all his rivals — Morton of Indiana, 
Bristow of Kentucky, Conkling of New 
York, and others — concentrated on Hayes. 

Standing on a reporters' table, and 
quoting a verse from "Miles O'Reilly," 
Roscoe Conkling made this appeal to the 
Chicago convention of 1880: 

" If you ask what state he hails from 
Our sole reply shall be 
He hails from Appomattox 
And its famous apple tree." 

" I rise in behalf of the state of New 
York to propose a nomination with which 
the country and the Republican party 
can grandly win. The election before us 
will be the Austerlitz of American politics. 
It will decide for years to come whether 
the country will be Republican or Cossack. 
The need of the hour is a candidate who 
can carry doubtful states, North and 
South; and believing that he, more surely 
than any other man can do this, New York 
presents the name of Ulysses S. Grant." 

Wild enthusiasm, manifesting itself in 
yells, cheers, song, lasting many minutes, 
drowned the voice of the speaker, and 
brought all the proceedings to a halt. 
When he had finished, a calmer note 
sounded through the convention hall. 

" I have seen the sea lashed into a fury 
and tossed into a spray, and its grandeur 
moves the soul of the dullest man. But 
it is not the billows but the calm level of 
the sea from which all heights and depths 
are measured. Not here in this brilliant 
circle, where 15,000 men and women are 
assembled, is the destiny of the republic 
to be decreed; not here where I see the 
enthusiastic faces of 756 delegates waiting 
to cast their votes into the urn and deter- 
mine the choice of their party; but by 
4,000,000 Republican firesides, with the 
calm thoughts inspired by the love of home 
and country, with the history of the past 
and the hopes of the future with them — 
there God prepares the verdict that shall 
determine the wisdom of our work to- 
night. Not here in Chicago in the heat 
of June, but in the sober quiet that comes 
between now and the melancholy days of 
November, in the silence of deliberate 
judgment, will this great question be 
settled. Let us aid them to-night." 

This was Garfield presenting John 
Sherman for the candidacy in the same 
convention, but in the dead-lock between 


Grant and Blaine, in which Conkling and startled into electing a candidate at the 
his Tenth Legion, the 306, went down to first sound of his ringing voice. His ad- 
defeat. The speech nominated Garfield vent was unheralded, 
instead of Sherman. 

"They have nominated Garfield. Now A SPEECH THAT m *de a candidate 

let them elect him," was Conkling's sullen " I would be presumptuous, indeed, to 

remark, as he left Chicago without waiting present myself against the distinguished 

for the close of the proceedings. gentlemen (Senator David B. Hill of New 

Dismay seized Garfield when the Re- York, Senator William F. Vilas of Wis- 

publicans were beaten in the state election consin, and Ex-Gov. William E. Russell 

in Maine early in September, indicating of Massachusetts) to whom you have lis- 

that the tide was running against them tened, if this were a measuring of abilities; 

throughout the country. Then Arthur, but this is not a contest between persons. 

Garfield's running mate on the ticket, ap- The humblest person in all the land, when 

pealed to his personal friends Grant and clad in the armor of a righteous cause, is 

Conkling, who had remained out of the stronger than all the hosts of error. I 

canvass until then, to go to the rescue of come to speak to you in defence of a cause 

their party. Grant's consent was easily as holy as the cause of liberty — the cause 

obtained, but Conkling's came only after of humanity. It is the issue of 1776 over 

hard persuasion by both Grant and again. If they (the opponents of free 

Arthur. At a few big meetings in Ohio silver coinage) dare to come in the open 

and Indiana, then October states, Grant field and defend the gold standard, we will 

presided and made short but effective talks fight them to the uttermost. Having 

and Conkling made long and eloquent behind us the producing masses of this 

addresses. The tide was turned, those nation and of the world, supported by the 

states were carried by the Republicans, commercial interests, the laboring interests, 

and Garfield was elected in November, and the toilers everywhere, we will answer 

though by a perilously narrow margin. their demand for a gold standard by saying 

"Conkling, you have saved me. What- to them: 'You shall not press down upon 

ever man can do for man, that will I do the brow of labor this crown of thorns; 

for you." You shall not crucify mankind upon a 

This was Garfield's greeting, at his home cross of gold.' ' 
in Mentor, O., to Conkling, just after The man who went to that convention as 
Conkling and Grant had entered the can- a member of a contesting delegation (which 
vass in Ohio. Garfield kept this pledge was shut out by the national committee but 
by appointing William H. Robertson, which was seated by the convention), and 
Conkling's personal enemy, to the col- who had never been heard of by a fifth of 
lectorship of the port of New York, the the delegates up to that time, saw, in 
most important Federal post in Conkling's the next twenty-four hours, his name 
state. spread by thousands of newspapers be- 
Then came the deluge. Conkling and fore 70,000,000 people. With what his 
Piatt resigned from the Senate; they were hearers thought was the eloquence of 
defeated when seeking reelection and Tiberius Gracchus and the daring of 
"vindication"; Garfield was assassinated Graham of Claverhouse, William J. Bryan 
by the lunatic Guiteau; the Republican flung his challenge to the enemies of silver, 
party was split, Cleveland carried New swept the convention on the fifth ballot — 
York for governor in 1882 by a plurality and would have swept it on the first if the 
of 193,000 votes over Folger, the personal ballotting had taken place immediately 
friend of Conkling and Arthur's secretary after he spoke — led the most tumultuous 
of the treasury; and Blaine was defeated campaign since that of 'Tippecanoe and 
by Cleveland for the presidency in 1884 Tyler, too." in 1840. and marie the fight 
— the first Democrat who was sent to so hot for Jhe Republicans and their Gold 
the White House since 1856. Democratic supporters that the result was 
The Democratic Convention of 1896 was doubtful until the last ballot was counted. 


{The World's Work publishes every month an article about getting on the land, and the 
Land Department will put any of its readers in touch with reliable sources of information 
about land anywhere in the United States.) 

THE farm journals have records 
of hundreds and hundreds of 
farmers who move, usually short 
distances. Much, if not most 
of the farmer's profits during 
the last decade or two have been made in 
the increase in the value of his land, and to 
"cash this in" he has to move to cheaper 
land. But this moving is not " back-to-the- 
Iand." The back-to-the-land movement is 
a movement of people out of the cities. Ask 
the farmer about it and he will shake 
his head. But even the most pessimistic 
farmer realizes that it is a better time to 
go on the land now than it has been at any 
previous time. And in return for small 
income and hard labor the man who goes 
back to the land recovers his independence 
and secures a chance to work irrespective 
of hard times and strikes. 

Those young men who go out of the 
cities to the land as their first job are no 
worse handicapped in farming than they 
would have been in any other vocation. 
They know little of any occupation. 

Those who have done other things and 
who later in life go back to the farm are 
at a disadvantage, but many of them make 
good — more of them in the fruit business, 
on irrigated lands, or by truck gardening, 
perhaps, than on the farms that grow 
staple crops. And there is a vast volume 
of testimony from American men who have 
gone back from the cities to the country, 
of independence and prosperity found on 
the land. Besides these, the Swedes still 
go to the Northwest and till the soil 
and grow prosperous. In a little town in 
New York it is a habit of the bankers to 
lend a newly arrived Hollander money 
enough to buy land; because for years 
every Hollander that has come has made 
money; and in various places Italian colo- 
nies have been successfully founded. 

There is a very real economic reason 
for the return to the land. Farm products 

fetch more than ever before. In 1899 an 
average acre of corn would buy 164 yards 
of calico and in 19 10 it would purchase 
196 yards; it would buy 25 rods of wire 
fence in 1899 and 38 in 1910: it would buy 
13 pair of overalls in 1899 and 16 pair in 
19 10. An acre of wheat and an acre of 
cotton have a similarly increased purchas- 
ing power. 

The increasing cost of living bears 
harder on town folk than on country 
folk. The salaried class feel it more 
keenly than the farmers. The farmer is 
getting better off — the city man is merely 
holding his own, if he is doing that. 

In the great exodus from the farm to the 
city were many who failed in the city and 
had to go back where they came from. 
In the exodus from the city to the farm 
there will be many who will fail and drift 
back to the city. But there is a sounder 
basis for the back-to-the-land movement for 
city men with money, for city men without 
cash who are willing to work on others' 
farms, and for immigrants who are willing 
to work than there ever was before. 

So long as there was free land, farming 
was abnormally stimulated. It was over- 
done. We fed Europe. Farm products 
brought low prices. The farmer was not 
prosperous. When the free land gave out, 
the pressure of population began to bring 
higher prices for farm products. Our 
agricultural products fell off. The price 
of land went up. The farmer not only 
made this increase in land value but he is 
getting a constantly rising scale of prices 
for his products. That is to say, the 
tendency of these prices is distinctly 
upward. As they rise, the rising cost of 
living hits the city folk harder. 

Therefore, as the era of free land form- 
erly over-stimulated agriculture, the pres- 
sure of population now swings the pendulum 
the other way. The most prosperous era of 
American farming is before us. 






A N ORDINANCE passed in April, 

/\ 191 1, created the Factory Site 

/ % Commission of Baltimore, to 

I ^m consist of one representa- 
■** •*• tive of each of the following 
leading organizations and corporations: 
Chamber of Commerce, Merchants and 
Manufacturers' Association, Travelers and 
Merchants' Association, Old Town Mer- 
chants'and Manufacturers' Association, Fed- 
eration of Labor, Builders' Exchange, Real 
Estate Exchange, Pennsylvania Railroad, 
Baltimore & Ohio Railroad, Western Mary- 
land Railroad. 

This Commission began work in June, 
191 1, and already it has achieved some 
valuable results. For example: in 1845, the 
City of Baltimore acquired for $2,500, for 
marine hospital purposes, a tract of about 
139 acres of land located just outside the 
city limits on deep water. The original 
plans were long since abandoned and by the 
dumping of old brick after the great Balti- 
more conflagration of 1904, as well as by 
the subsequent dumping of refuse by the 
Street Cleaning Department of the city, 
the area of the tract has been increased 
to 177 acres. Altogether, since the city 
acquired the property, about $86,000 has 
been spent to bulkhead the entire water 
front and make possible the increased 
area as well as to provide for deep water 
at the land edge without expensive 
dredging. The City Comptroller had the 
Topographical Survej Commission lay 
off the property in lots and streets and the 
secretary of the Factory Site Commission 
t hen succeeded in selling seven acres of the 
tract at Ssoo an acre to a concern that 
manufactures concrete scows. Since thai 
time, seventy-three acres more have been 
leased on 99-year leases to manufacturing 
concerns, making a total of eight) acres 
disposed of within eight months. The 

consideration for the total sales was 
$41,51 1, or its equivalent in rents at 6 per 
cent., and, at this rate, by the time all 
the lots have been disposed of, the city 
will have come out even on the propertv, 
notwithstanding the $86,000 it has spent 
to bulkhead the waterfront. 

The leases for lots of this tract of land 
are for ninety-nine years, renewable for- 
ever, and redeemable at any time for a 
sum of money equal to the capitalization 
of the rent reserved, at 6 per cent. 

An even more interesting work of the 
Factory Site Commission is its effort to 
make sure that all unoccupied city property 
shall produce revenue — land and build- 
ings that the city will no longer require 
for municipal purposes will be offered for 
sale, and, if not sold, for lease. 

The Commission found that an old 
truck house, abandoned by the Fire De- 
partment several years ago, had been 
acquired by the City in 1880 for $9,500 
and to-day is appraised at $7,250, and yet 
it has remained idle for several years. 
Yet people had passed the property every 
day who might have purchased or leased 
it if they had thought the city would 
dispose of it. The City Comptroller 
recently had "For Rent" and "For Sale" 
signs put up on this particular piece of 
property and in less than thirty da\ s 
twelve offers were made for its lease or sale. 

Again, one of the municipal markets, 
built at an expenditure of more than 
S(xK>,ooo four years ago, has not been a 
paving investment. One section of this 
market was not rented. The Comptroller 
had signs put upon the property, announ- 
cing that it was for rent or sale and that 
improvements would be made to suit 
tmant. People were soon scrambling 
for the property and in less than thirty 
days it was profitably leased. 

The World's Work 



Mr. F. Hopkiuson Smith - - - - - - - - - Frontispiece 

THE MARCH OF EVENTS — An Editorial Interpretation - - 243 

Mr. Frederic C. Howe Mr. Gilbert McClurg The House in which Grover Cleveland 

Mr. Bruce R. Payne Mr. E. H. Grubb was Born 

Mr. Clifford Barnes The Mississippi Floods President Taft and Mrs. Grover Cleve- 

Mr. Talcott Williams The Woman Suffrage Parade land 

Mr. Theodore L. Weed 

What the Electon Ought to Settle New China's Difficulties 

Shall a Third Term be Forbidden? Wilbur Wright 

Is the Presidential Primary a Failure? Ohio's New Constitution 

Minority Presidents Cleaning Up Michigan 

Extravagant Economy The Climb of the Pension Tax 

About the Crazy People Hungry England and Socialism 

Saner Things than Politics The Best Work of Our Time 

A Question of Morals To Give Credit Where It Is Due 

Health Officers and Wits The Rights of the Child 

Our Long, Slow School Task Fatigue and Poison 

Conservative Socialism "A Calaveras Evening" 

Can There Be a Universal Religion? 

HIS FIRST BOND ------- ______ 274 

A GREAT, SIMPLE, MEN'S CHURCH ------- Jacob Riis 276 

PICTURESQUE NEW YORK (Illustrated) - - F. Hopkinson Smith 279 

A WESTERN FOURTH OF JULY (Illustrated) -------- 285 

"WHAT I AM TRYING TO DO" (Illustrated) - - David Belasco 291 

THE DIRECTOR OF 10,000 BANKS - Frank Parker Stockbridge 300 

ISHI, THE LAST ABORIGINE -------- A. L. Kroeber 304 

MAKING BUSINESS TO ORDER ------- Henry Oyen 308 


Mary and Lewis Theiss 313 

THE NEW COMPETITION — III ----- Arthur J. Eddy 317 


William Bayard Hale 323 

THE LAND OF FULFILMENT— (Socialism I II) (Illus.) Samuel P. Orth $37 

THE MARCH OF THE CITIES - - ----------- 353 

FORWARD TO THE LAND --------354 

TERMS: $3.00 a year; single copies, 25 cents. For Foreign Postage add $1.28: Canada, 60 cents. 

Published monthly. Copyright, 1912, by Doubleday, Page & Company. 

All rights reserved. Entered at the Post-Office at Garden City, N. Y., as second-class mail matter. 

Country Life in America The Garden Magazine-Farming 


F. N. Doubleday. President }} *"*£* H Va S' f " ' Vice-Presidents S. A. Everttt, Treas. Russell Doubleday. Sec'y 

ri. a. HOUSTON, ) 

N. Y. 




SKETCHES Ol o|.D AND M \\ \l« 'lORK r/<V*«79l 



JULY, 19 1 2 

Volume XXIV 

Number 3 


THERE are several ragged and 
ugly political things that ought 
to be forever condemned at 
this year's election. 
One of them is the disgrace- 
ful use of money even in primary cam- 
paigns. The publicity that a national 
law and some state laws now require has 
so far been only partly successful. A 
bought primary is a double crime. 

Another is the old scandal of Republi- 
can patronage in the Southern States. 
Until the party rid itself of the disgrace 
of Southern delegates to its national 
conventions (bought by money, or by 
patronage, or by promises), the party and 
Southern political character will continue 
to degrade our national life. The subject 
smells to heaven. 

Another is the degradation of the Presi- 
dential office such as we have witnessed 
at the hands of a President and of a former 
President. There ought to be a way where- 
by the conscience and the self-respect 
of the nation may be unmistakably heard 
this year in condemnation of these things. 
All these are bad methods — degrading 
methods. There are also two large sub- 
jects of national policy — two big prin- 

Copyright, 1912, by Doubleday. 

ciples — that the election ought to throw 
some decisive light on. No large question 
of principle had a fair hearing during the 
period of personal noise that preceded 
the conventions. 

The most pressing big subject, of course, 
is the tariff. At the last Congressional 
election the people voted unmistakably 
for a downward revision. They have 
not yet got it. Another such vote is 
necessary. If this subject be obscured at 
the election by personal and mere party 
wrangles, we shall make little real progress 
by this year's contest. In fact, personal 
wrangling has so far played a hinderinglv 
conspicuous part in the campaign to the 
loss of sober thinking and sane action. 

The other great principle that the voice 
of the nation ought to be heard on is the 
governmental relation to business, espe- 
cially to banking and the currency; but 
there seems small chance that this will 
happen. If the people at the coming 
general election, at which incidentally 
we choose a President, should give a 
decisive command about the tariff and 
about the Government's relation to busi- 
ness, we should be paid for all the trouble 
and interruption of the summer. 

Page & Co. All rights reserved. 











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copyright 1912 L>y b. V. 1 




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SHALL A THIRD TERM BE their mind with conclusiveness and with a 

FORBIDDEN? £ ooc * ^ ea ^ °^ manifest enjoyment. Six 

years is too long a period to elapse between 

THE scandal of a public feud such general elections, 
as we lately suffered from a Presi- 
dent, expectant of a second term, 

and an ex-President, anxious for a third On the other hand four years is too short 

one, has given vitality 'to the old idea a time to expect a President to come to his 

of electing the Executive for a longer best; too short to allow him to work out 

term and making him ineligible to re- his policies. It has generally been found 

election. that a President is a better officer during 

Under such a rule the country would his second term than he was in his first, 

be spared a repetition of the disgrace put An inspection of the history of the Presi- 

upon it by the wrangling of Mr. Taft and dency will show that the people of the 

Mr. Roosevelt. It would remove Presi- United States have always believed one 

dents from the temptation to devote term to be too little. During the 124 

their time to the creation of a machine and years of our national existence the people 

it would leave them free for the dignified have clearly shown their desire to have 

and disinterested service of their country, the President serve two terms. It will 

It would make it forever unnecessary for probably surprise many to be reminded 

a President to gallivant through the that we have reelected nine Presidents 

country making personal stump speeches and have declined to elect only seven, 

and that too only to the members of his John Adams, Van Buren, Polk, Pierce, 

own party. Buchanan, Hayes, and Harrison were the 

The idea is not, as Mr. Roosevelt de- only Presidents elected by the people who 
clares it, "a tom-fool proposition." It were refused reelection. John Q. Adams 
is not even an ordinary fool proposition, was chosen by the House of Representa- 
It is a proposition well worth thinking tives; Harrison, Taylor, and Garfield died 
about — though that is not necessarily to during their first term, and Tyler, Fill- 
say worth instantly adopting. more, Johnson, Arthur, and Roosevelt 

For there are arguments against the came in by the deaths of Presidents — 

proposal, as well as for it. Six years would though the last named, after he had 

be a long term for a bad or even a poor served practically a full term, was elected 

President. We have been fairly lucky, to the second one. 

but four years has been found a long time Now this is the actual record of the 

to wait for the administration of some of feeling of the people on the subject of 

our Presidents to expire; to have to put reelection to the chief executive office: 

up with the wrong man for six years would they like to give a President a second 

be a calamity indeed. More important term. They have never given one a 

still, six years is too long a time to defer the third term, though they might have done 

nation-wide vote which affords the people so in seven cases. 

their only chance — the only chance they If the Constitution needs amending, the 
take — to express their minds on national voice of the country as indicated in 
questions. It requires an issue of dramatic political history would seem to suggest 
interest like the fate of two famous men placing the bar to eligibility at the end 
to draw out the whole vote — and it is of a second term, not the first, 
extremely important for free government It is not, however, certain that the 
that popular voting should be encouraged, sense of the country demands any con- 
In this respect the European system has stitutional limit at all. It may be a 
an advantage over ours; in England, for mistake to forbid the second term to any 
instance, a general election with every- President no matter how peculiar his 
thing at stake may come at any time, qualifications or how peculiar the need of 
Last year Great Britain had two general them; it is quite conceivable even that 
elections, at both of which the people spoke circumstances might arise under which 



wisdom would require his election to a 
third term — circumstances under which 
everybody would agree that that unpre- 
cedented step was necessary for the 
country's welfare. It is not a happy 
circumstance that the large principle in- 
volved in the proposed change should 
turn on the excitement now caused by Mr. 

Is it not a thing which had better be 
left to the people to take care of them- 
selves? After all, it is the people we have 
to trust, not a document. Is it wise for 
us to restrict and limit ourselves, gratui- 
tously, unnecessarily? Perhaps it might 
be a good thing if we had less Constitution, 
not more. Most of the progressive move- 
ments of the day are met by restrictions 
opposed by the Constitution or alleged 
to be opposed by it, and our energies are 
now too much engaged in amending de- 
tails which need never have gone into the 
Constitution. Our Government is still 
in process of evolution — and always will 
be, so long as it is a living thing. The 
Presidency is distinctly in evolution. It 
is not what the Constitution expected it 
to be. It is an office unlike any other in 
the world, the President having come to 
be a sort of irremovable and irresponsible 
premier as well as titular head of the 
nation, the man to whom the country 
looks for a legislative programme as well 
as executive performance. Why not let 
the Presidency work itself out without 
further Constitutional restrictions, trust- 
ing to good sense of the people to meet 
— as the people after all must meet — 
the dangers when they arise. 


DID the Presidential primary prove 
itself a success or a failure? 
One fact has stood forth to dis- 
please, not to say, disgust the good people 
of the United States: the establishing of 
the primaries was accompanied by the 
bringing of the Presidential office into a 
coarse disrepute which it had never before 
suffered in the whole history of our politics; 
the ignoble spectacle of a President and 
an ex-President engaged in a vulgar 

personal broil, hurling epithets and accu- 
sations at each other as they hurried by 
train and automobile from shouting crowd 
to crowd. Presidents, having received 
renomination, have campaigned for reel- 
ection, but never before did two candi- 
dates upon whom rested the obligation 
to preserve something of the dignity of 
the Presidential office stump the count ry 
in a personal campaign. If such a 
spectacle is a necessary accompaniment 
of direct Presidential primaries, that is a 
strong argument against them. 

It would be hasty to come to that con- 
clusion, however, merely because an ex- 
President of peculiar temperament pro- 
voked a President to an unseemly contest. 
The Presidential primary is a new thing. 
It has not yet had a real trial. Moreover, 
primaries were held in only a few of the 
states. They were, except in five or six 
cases, extemporized affairs, unregulated 
by law and unruled by custom. It 
would not be possible for candidates to 
make personal canvasses in all the states, 
and it is likely that this fact, together with 
public sentiment certain to pronounce 
against it, will in the future prevent the 
personal appearance of aspirants in any 
such scenes as were this year enacted 
Had there been no primaries this year, 
it is pretty certain that Mr. Roosevelt 
would have resorted to much the same 
tactics, and that the President would 
have felt himself forced to go on the plat- 
form to defend himself. In other words, 
the trouble this year was not so much in 
the circumstances that primaries were 
being held in a few states as in the char- 
acter and methods of Mr. Roosevelt and 
the unwisdom of Mr. Taft. 

A more serious consideration that lies 
against the Presidential primary is the 
fact that so few men this year took the 
opportunity to vote. If the people have 
no wish to choose their own candidates, 
it is not worth while setting up the ma- 
chinery for them. 

The special meagreness of the Demo- 
cratic vote may be explained partly by 
the probability that many Democrats. 
their interest attracted bv the spectacular 
contest in the other party, voted in the 
Republican ballot-boxes; and partly by 



the unquestionable fact that, in the minds 
of a great many Democrats, eager to 
"get in" once more, the best candidate 
of the party could be named only after 
the Republicans had made their nomina- 
tion. This is a difficulty which must 
necessarily attend the primary system: 
two unconditional choices, really depend- 
ent one upon the other, must be simul- 
taneously made at a moment so early 
that after-regret is extremely likely on 
one side or the other. Some day we shall 
be likely to come to the method of electing 
the President (and all other officers) by 
the preferential ballot. Two elections 
— a "primary" and a final election — 
are an awkward, expensive, and un- 
scientific makeshift, though doubtless on 
the whole any method that gives the people 
(provided they want it) the right and duty 
of acting directly and so minimizing the 
power of professional politicians, is better 
than the old convention system. But 
we are only in the crude beginnings of 
the science of efficient voting. 


TAKE the matter of electing Presi- 
dents, for a single example. Leave 
entirely aside the manner in which 
nominations are dictated by bosses; leave 
out of consideration the obstructing ac- 
tivities of party machines, and say nothing 
of the faults of the electoral college 
system. Consider merely the fact that 
the country is obliged to choose between 
two leading candidates with a possible 
third, fourth, or sometimes fifth minor 
nominee. On the broad question of ma- 
jority rule, how has the thing worked? 

We have had twenty-one Presidential 
elections since the people commenced in 
1824 to elect members of the electoral 
college — before that left to the state 
legislatures. In those twenty-one elec- 
tions, ten candidates have received 
the Presidency in spite of the fact that 
they polled less than a majority of the 
votes cast; two were put into the Chief 
Executive's chair in spite of the fact that 
another candidate had received more votes. 
In 1824, Jackson had, not a majority 
indeed, but a plurality over John Q. 

Adams of 50,551 votes; yet Adams, who 
not only had received fewer votes than 
Jackson, but who lacked 240,000 of having 
a majority of the small vote cast, was 
seated by the House of Representatives. 
Four years later the wrong was avenged; 
Jackson was elected by an indisputable 
majority, as were his successors, Van 
Buren and William Henry Harrison. In 
1844, Polk lacked 24,200 of a majority; 
in 1848, Taylor lacked 152,700 of a ma- 
jority. Pierce received a majority. 
Buchanan lacked 377,600 of a majority 
in 1856, and Lincoln fell short a million 
of a majority of the total vote cast in i860. 
Four years later, he was elected by a 
majority of those voting. In 1868, Grant 
was a majority President — the last for 
twenty years. Between 1876 and 1896, 
not a President was the choice of a ma- 
jority of the voters. Hayes lacked 345,000 
of a majority; Tilden had a quarter of a 
million more votes than Hayes. Garfield 
lacked 321,300 of a majority. Cleveland 
lacked 213,000 in 1884; in 1892, he took 
his seat a second time, though he this 
time needed 1,045,500 to be the indicated 
choice of the greater part of his fellow- 
countrymen. Harrison was successful, al- 
though he lacked 304,400 of a majority. 
The last two Presidents, elected during 
the piping times of Republican prosperity, 
had more votes than all their opponents 

Yet it is an outstanding fact that speaks 
little of our method of choosing Presidents 
that ten out of twenty-one elections have 
not been decided by majorities; that, 
of the sixteen different men elevated 
to the Presidency, only eight have been 
the clear choice of the citizens. 

There is no use to say that an actual 
majority is too much to expect in a popular 
vote. It is nothing of the kind. It is no 
more impossible, no more difficult, to 
decide by the rule of majority in a nation- 
wide vote than in the limited vote of a 
small assembly. It is necessary only to 
get the matter accurately before the 
voters. It is conceivable that, if a second 
vote had been taken in those years when 
no candidate for the Presidency had re- 
ceived a majority, the results might have 
remained unchanged; majorities might 



have ratified the choices expressed by 
mere pluralities; pluralities might have 
become majorities in a second ballot- 
ing. But it is extremely likely that in 
most cases the results would have been 
changed. What we arrive at under the 
prevailing system is a rough and ready 
decision, not a careful one. We say, in 
effect, "Oh! well, most of the people want 
Harrison, so let's declare Harrison elected." 
But the fact might have been that, as 
between Harrison and Cleveland, say, 
most of the people would have preferred 
Cleveland — and they would have so 
expressed themselves in a scientific ballot, 
such as they have found it a perfectly 
simple thing to employ in Switzerland, 
Denmark, Belgium, Finland, Japan, and 
even far Tasmania. 

An even more serious failure of our 
election machinery to make effective the 
desires of the people is to be found in the 
gross and glaring misrepresentation in 
Congress caused by the failure of our 
system to take any account of the minority, 
and give it proportionate representation. 

Whatever may be the result of the 
important campaign which we are now 
entering upon, the return of a period of 
comparative calmness ought to see a 
thoughtful consideration of the election 
machinery of the country. 

tion for war; we think nothing of throwing 
claimants on behalf of wars long past a 
largesse of near 200 millions a year; but 
when we give a dollar on behalf of war. 
we grudge a cent for the maintenance of 

The Secretary of State and his staff are 
the nation's peace-preservers; their office 
is to maintain good understanding be- 
tween us and other peoples and to watch 
out for our interests abroad. Too little 
appreciated, the work that the State 
Department does is an absolutely in- 
dispensable work, and no reasonable 
amount of money should be witheld to 
make this department as efficient as 

Within the last two or three years, 
the State Department has been recognized 

— or rather, for the first time organized 

— and put on an efficient practical work- 
ing basis, though still handicapped by 
lack of funds. To take away now a 
single dollar from its appropriation would 
be to take a backward step unnecessarily. 



HE conclusion of a recent editorial 
in the New York World 



THERE is need of economy at 
Washington, and there are wastes 
enough that need stopping. But 
there is such a thing as being penny wise 
and pound foolish; and that is the easy 
error that the House of Representatives 
has more than once made. For example, 
its action in reducing the appropriation 
for the State Department by almost 
$100,000 is, on one hand, a piece of petty 
politics and, on the other, a piece of gross 
folly. The amount allowed the State 
Department is already meagre in the 
extreme; no other first-class or, for the 
matter of that, no second-class, power 
in the world pretends to conduct its 
diplomatic and consular business on twice 
the allowance made for ours. We spend 
millions on the army and navy in prepara- 

There are thousands of Americans who do 
not believe they can get something for nothing. 

There are thousands of Americans who work 
from eight to twelve hours every day, who 
support their families and pay their debts 
and save a little something for their old age 
and live normal, rational lives. 

We are not so crazy as we sometimes seem. 

Very true; but the point about this is, 
that any great newspaper should think 
it necessary to say that there are thousanco 
of Americans who work and live normally, 
and that such a declaration should be 
received as a welcome relief from the 
howlings about impending disaster that 
we read as a morning and an evening 
service. Thousands of such Americans? 
There are millions of them — every one 
with his earnest struggle with real prob- 
lems, but every one working hopefully, 
sanely, and intelligently to do his duty 
to his family and to his community and 
succeeding in proportion to his ability 



and his character. In a time like this, 
the excitable minority get attention wholly 
out of proportion to their importance. 

For instance, the newspapers in a certain 
town of 50,000 inhabitants at which Mr. 
Taft and Mr. Roosevelt both spoke 
furiously a month or more ago, naturally 
"played up" their presence and their 
speeches in big headlines; everybody 
talked about them for a day; the news- 
papers elsewhere also gave prominence 
to their "scrap." Yet less than 10 per 
cent, of the people heard them or tried 
to hear them — not a larger percentage 
than would have gone to an equally well 
advertised circus or moving picture show, 
and not so large as would have gone to a 
big baseball game. More important yet, 
it would be very hard to find a man who 
would confess that he changed his mind 
or his preference because of anything he 
saw or heard or read about them. 

Yet we think of ourselves as really 
excited about politics, and men of bad 
digestions really fear that the people 
have gone crazy. 

Those who yell most loudly at the people, 
and are most concerned about the people, 
seem to know least about them. 


HERE, for example, comes a letter 
from an earnest man who gives 
his time and thought most un- 
selfishly to the organization and better- 
ment of country life: 

Perhaps in my enthusiasm this suggestion 
would be impractical, but this thought comes: 
Why could not one year's sole devotion of the 
World's Work be made to the wage-worker, 
the farm-worker, and the business-worker. 
It seems to me that you could thus cover 
practically all the big work that you are now 
doing, under these three divisions, and be a 
means of bringing about a right way of seeing 
each other's work. Of course I am prejudiced, 
but I think that our political situation is the 
biggest farce that we have. The all important 
thing is for our people to get right and fair 
and square in their work, in their living, in 
their homes, and not make so much fuss over 
our politicians. When the politicians are 
right, go to them as we would go to our clerks 
and ask them to do the things that are neces- 

sary to make our work and homes and profits 
better than they are now. I think it makes 
little difference who our next President is. 
All our politicians, Presidents, and others 
have appealed to us or tried to appeal, in a 
petty way in their anxiety to secure attention. 
They are big men when they are not in a 
political wrangle. Any of them has, I believe, 
the capacity to be a good President if they could 
eliminate party and personal quarrels from 
their work and treat it as a big business and 
be in office long enough to build up a right 
business organization. 

"The right way of seeing each others' 
work" — that comes pretty near to the 
heart of the matter. We become earnest 
and sympathetic and tolerant — in other 
words capable of real helpfulness — in 
proportion as we "see each others' work." 

The economic organization of society 
so that every worker and every class of 
workers shall receive the "right and fair 
and square" return — that's the biggest 
task of civilization and it underlies every 
other task. To take our correspondent's 
division of men into wage-workers, farm- 
workers, and business-workers and his 
contempt of mere politicians, it is true 
that all political activity that does not 
directly or indirectly make for "a right 
and fair and square" relation of these 
divisions, one to another, is a misdirection 
of time and energy. 


HERE is a question of honesty: 
Two men, who were good friends 
at college twenty-five years ago, 
are good friends yet. One is now a specu- 
lative broker in New York and is rich, 
and the other is a high public officer with 
a low salary, and is a poor man. The 
broker, under a generous impulse, lately 
said to his friend: 

"You have given practically all your 
working life to the public service. You 
have not had time nor opportunity to 
put aside any money for your family. 
Now we have all profited by your public 
service; and I am in a position to help 
you. I share in the underwriting of 
various successful enterprises. In some 
cases I put up no money at all. In most 



cases I run practically no risk of loss. 
Now I wish to put you down for a share 
in some of these. It will not cost you a 
cent. I'll do the underwriting; and, if 
money is necessary, I'll risk the money. 
You shall have no loss, but you'll share 
the gains. I wish to do this till your 
account shows a profit of $100,000. Then 
draw it out and invest it. You ought 
to have it. I'm going to put you down." 

"No," said the other. "Of course 
not. I can't take a profit that I've done 
nothing to earn." 

"Why, my dear fellow, it's done all 
the time. You risk nothing." 

Well, the two men didn't understand 
one another. Their codes of economic 
morals were so different that they did 
not mean the same thing when they 
spoke of "profits" and "earnings." The 
broker was hurt by the refusal of his 
friend and thought that he was a very 
squeamish and timid politician. 


HEALTH officers in other states 
could study with profit the 
methods of New York and Cali- 
fornia, which are among the most pro- 
gressive in the country. For example, 
Dr. Eugene II. Porter, Commissioner of 
the New York State Department of Health, 
has been holding a series of "sanitary 
institutes," at strategic centres, for the 
encouragement and instruction of city 
and county health officers, who attend 
from all the easily accessible nearby 
territory. Such an institute was lately 
held at Elmira and seventy-seven physi- 
cians registered as members. The Com- 
missioner and the directors of the several 
divisions of the state Department of 
Health were present. "An hour was set 
apart each day for demonstrations to 
health officers individually or in small 
groups of any laboratory procedures in 
which they were particularly interested." 
One afternoon was devoted to a discussion 
of milk supply in relation to the public 
heal tli. One evening was given up to a 
round-table conference, at which the 
Commissioner and his aides answered 
extemporaneously legal questions that were 

raised by the local doctors. Throughout 
the institute only those subjects were 
handled that had a direct bearing upon 
the practical work of health officers, but 
the theory was briefly discussed as well as 
the practice. 

Imagine, if you will, the inspiring effect 
of such a meeting upon the health officer 
of Little Genesee, or of Canaseraga, or of 
Fainted Post, N. Y., all of whom at- 
tended. Think of the better chance that 
a baby has for life this next summer in 
Cohocton or Himrod because of the 
freshened zeal for pure milk that their 
faithful guardians of health received at 
Elmira. A dozen such institutes in a 
year may well be the saving of thousands 
of useful lives to the community. 

The Californian method of attack is 
less direct, but it is as novel and it has 
aroused much interest in sanitation in 
that state. Dr. William F. Snow, secre- 
tary and executive officer of the state 
board of health, has the knack of the pen. 
Besides issuing formal monthly publica- 
tions that tell what has been accomplished 
by his office, Doctor Snow points the way 
for local authorities by covering a whole 
sanitary subject in a special bulletin that 
he is not afraid to make interesting. For 
example, Bulletin Separate No. 6 is a 
comprehensive and popular statement of 
the theory and methods of sewage dis- 
posal. It has been reprinted twice be- 
cause the people asked for more copies 
than Doctor Snow believed they could 
want. It discusses first "The Sewage 
Problem and the Law," gives "A Review 
of Some Available Methods of Sew- 
age Treatment for California," describes 
"Septic Tanks," and tells how to make 
"Residential Sewage Disposal Plants. - ' 
This bulletin leaves little to be said about 
sewage and practical sanitation. 

As an example of Dr. Snow's striking 
method of attracting attention to his 
subject so that people will read, the 
following extract from another bulletin. 
about tuberculosis, may suffice: 


The tubercle bacillus is at last fairly on trial 
in California. The case has been pending 

before the Court of Public Opinion since 1871. 



Since that time the evidence in the case has 
been steadily accumulating. Serious complica- 
tions have arisen through the implication of 
many "higher-ups." It has been found that 
the criminal bacillus has been aided and 
abetted by big business interests — the milk 
producers, the tenement house builders, the 
timid physicians who fail to report the victims 
of the bacillus, and many other interests 
friendly to the chief offender. But if this were 
all, a jury would long ago have been secured 
which would have convicted the bacillus and 
punished those who assisted it. 

Following that introduction is a lucid 
resume of the tuberculosis situation in the 
state, with practical advice for a campaign 
of eradication, and photographs of life- 
like models of houses and tents arranged 
to procure the "fresh-air" treatment and 
of sanitary dairies to aid the fight against 
bovine tuberculosis. 

Either method is worthy imitation: 
socialization of health officers' work by 
personal contact at institutes, or stimu- 
lation by an intelligent use of imagination 
and printers' ink. Perhaps a phrase of 
warning will comprise the value of these 
examples: Doctors, do not be dull. 

ing; in several states from 20 to 30 per 
cent, of them every year are beginners; 
and in the best states the average length 
of service is less than four years. 

But these statistics, like most other 
statistics of large averages, tell only a 
part of the story and by far the least en- 
couraging part. During the last ten years 
the pay of male teachers has increased 
38 per cent, and of female teachers 27 
per cent.; and the increase goes on. 
Moreover, everybody who knows the 
present mood of the educational world 
and who interprets public sentiment 
intelligently knows the ever increasing 
earnestness of the people about this very 
subject. More important yet, the move- 
ment for better schools, schools better 
fitted to the needs of the people, gathers 
volume and earnestness every year. There 
is no better leadership in any department 
of American life than the leadership of 
the best minds now engaged in public 
educational work. 


IF ONE read the latest report of the 
United States Commissioner of Edu- 
cation about the salaries of public 
school teachers and the short school- 
terms and the small proportion of pupils 
who remain in school long enough to 
profit greatly — if one read these facts 
without considering the advance that has 
been made and is going on, it would be a 
most discouraging experience. Consider 
these figures: 

The average wage of all public school 
teachers in the United States, including 
the teachers in all our cities, is $1.60 a 
day for the working days of the whole 
year — less than $500 per annum; or 
less than $10 a week. 

The average pay in eleven states is less 
than $400; in eight states, it is less than 
S300; in two states, less than $250. A 
very large proportion of the public school 
teachers in the country are minors, and 
less than half of them have had any 
special or adequate preparation for teach- 


LITTLE news escapes from China, 
the most interesting country in 
the world just now, as she takes 
the first steps of her life as a Republic. 
Affairs there are complicated beyond any 
real understanding by foreigners except 
those with very special knowledge; but 
the failure of any definite facts to emerge 
from the general scene of confusion serves 
to justify the fear that the new regime is 
not proving itself strong enough to rule. 
China has drifted for several hundreds of 
years and it has not got over the habit. 
The revolution was an event simply 
astounding, but it does not seem as if 
the land possessed personalities equal 
to the task of guiding the new patriotic 
movement which manifested itself in a 
popular uprising unprecedented in his- 

The loan, which is the first necessity 
of the new government — the first re- 
quirement for the stability of the new 
order — hangs fire. The six Great 
Powers (England, France, Germany, 
Russia, Japan, and the United States) 
are ready to "recognize" the Republic, 



when they have arranged to lend it 
$300,000,000. But they insist on having 
a voice in the expenditure of the money 
— which means, of course, a hand in 
China's internal affairs. The feeling of the 
Chinese against allowing this is so over- 
whelming that Yuan Shi-kai is probably 
powerless to grant the Powers' demand. 
Yet money he must have; the revolu- 
tionary army of half a million refuses to 
disband till paid; debts press from every 
direction; necessary expenses pile up; and 
his inexperienced ministry is unable to 
procure revenues to meet the most ab- 
solute daily necessities of the government. 
The President of China must have money 
and have it quickly, or utter anarchy will 
prevail over the efforts of the only man 
who seems in any way capable even of 
the attempt to form a new nation out of 
the broken wreck of the old. 

dangerous radicals, will be classifiable 
as one of the strong and conservative 
bulwarks of the country. 


FIRST in the field, the Socialist 
party did this much to commend 
itself to the patriotic: it repu- 
diated what has come to be known as 
"Syndicalism" — the policy of violence 
by working men — in unequivocal terms. 
The platform declares that any member 
of the Socialist party "who advocates 
crime, sabotage, or other methods of 
violence as a weapon of the working class, 
to aid in its emancipation, shall be ex- 
pelled from membership in the party." 

It is only within a few months that 
America has heard the open proclamation 
of the doctrine that industrial establish- 
ments belongs by right to the men who 
work in them and that they are per- 
fectly justified in destroying them by fire 
or dynamite, or in taking possession of 
them by force, but the astonishingly 
swift acceptance which the new gospel 
has won at the hands of large bodies of 
workingmen is one of the most disquieting 
signs of the times. 

This is not Socialism, nor has it any 
sort of connection with Socialism, and it 
is at least cheering that the Socialist 
party disavows it promptly and positively. 
It may turn out that the Socialists, whom 
we have been brought up to regard as 


THE death of Wilbur Wright is re- 
gretted all over the world; for, 
although the aeroplane is not yet 
a machine of much practical value (except 
for show purposes and possibly in war) it 
is a reasonable expectation that such im- 
provements will be made in it as to make 
air-travel and transportation a practical 
thing. And Mr. Wright, if he had lived, 
might have done much more to bring this 
to pass. His fame as an inventor is secure 
— his and his brother Mr. Orville Wright's. 
They made the first flying machine in which 
sustained flights were possible, and this 
was an epoch-making achievement. 

He was an interesting personality be- 
cause in most ways he was so uninteresting. 
This is not a mere epigram but a literal fact. 
A man to be admired, a "real man," as we 
say, of sterling qualities of mind and char- 
acter, of a sly, quiet humor, companion- 
able in a way but always aloof and almost 
always silent; a man who had lived much 
alone; really modest, always reticent; with 
a certain dogged independence of spirit 
. which seemed to scorn making advances, 
yet a kindly man. He was as indifferent 
to kings as to the merely curious. Lean, 
shrewd, self-possessed, fame and fortune 
made as few changes in him as in any man 
that they ever fell on. 

He worked with an heroic devotion to 
an idea, unperturbed by failure after failure 
and by public indifference; and his success 
was hard and fairly won. It was not an 
accident but the result of experiments 
scientifically made. 


HERE are some of the features of the 
new constitution which will be 
submitted to the people of the 
State of Ohio for their approval or re- 

Legislation may be secured and the 
Constitution amended by the initiative 
and referendum. 



Five of the six Supreme Judges must 
concur to set aside a law as unconstitu- 

Women are given the right to vote. 

All candidates for state offices are to 
be nominated by primaries; United States 
Senators are to be nominated by the people, 
and a Presidential preference vote is to 
be taken. 

All appointive state positions are put 
under civil service rules. 

The legislature is authorized to re- 
move all state officers, including judges, 
on hearing. 

The legislature is authorized to regulate 
the issue and sale of corporation stock. 

The legislature is authorized to regulate 
bill-board advertising. 

Incomes, inheritances, franchises, and 
minerals in situ are to be taxed. 

The Torrens system of land transfer is 
to be adopted. (Under the Torrens sys- 
tem, a land-owner takes proof of his title 
to an official who, being satisfied of its 
validity, registers the land. Thereafter 
the State guarantees the title, and the 
land can be sold only by recording the 
transfer on the registrar's book.) 

Appeal litigation is to be restricted; 
except in felony cases there may be but 
one trial and one review. 

Jurors need not agree unanimously 
in civil suits. 

Capital punishment is to be abolished. 


ALTHOUGH harassed by the unrest 
and agitation among women, new 
doctrines which the old-fashioned 
politician "views with alarm," and threat- 
ening labor troubles, the public in its^ 
private moments still has time to attend 
to such fundamentals as warring on flies 
and mosquitoes and taking care of its 
health. The response to the series of 
articles on how to get rid of flies and 
mosquitoes in this magazine shows a 
tremendous interest in this subject of 
every day comfort. 

And the fly and mosquito campaign is 
only one. Such another is the following 
hopeful story of one of the men interested 
in the sanitary reform of Michigan. 

We asked the commissioner of schools of 
every one of the eighty-three counties of Mich- 
igan to help in establishing sanitary environ- 
ments for rural schools, a pure supply of drinking 
water, individual drinking cups, well ventilated 
school rooms, sanitary outhouses (about 50 per 
cent, of these were insanitary) and pleasant 
school grounds. The commissioners went to 
work with the state board of health, and great 
progress has already been made. 

Our next move was to enlist the services of 
the 70,000 grangers of the state in the work of 
sanitary education; to show them the sanitary 
problem through the eyes of their commis- 
sioners of schools. The results have been mar- 
velous. Many of the granges appointed 
committees on health; the lecturers of the 
granges incorporated health topics in their pro- 
grammes. The lecturer of the state grange, 
Miss Jennie Buell, has prepared a special health 
programme for her quarterly bulletin. We 
have focused the eyes of the rural folk on the 
dangers of insanitary environments. 

We next enlisted the Women's Clubs from 
which the response was almost spontaneous. 
We appealed to the managers of railways to 
cooperate with the state board of health in 
providing sanitary coaches: the abolition of the 
common drinking cup, sanitary closets on trains 
and at depots, and this part of the movement 
is going forward successfully. 

The United Commercial Travelers have 
joined the campaign for better environments for 
hotels, outdoor and indoor closets, abandonment 
of the common roller towel (Michigan, as yet, 
has no law against its use) and better conditions 
in railway depots and on railway coaches. 
These boys are our flying squadron in sanitary 
education. They are getting results. 

We have enlisted the newspapers in the work 
and the preachers of all the churches. 

Recently there has been organized an enthu- 
siastic, efficient, active state health officers' 
association. This organization is the regular 
army of the forward movement for sanitary 


ON AN accompanying page is a 
diagram that shows graphically 
how determined our politicians 
are that the country shall never abandon 
its habit of contributing liberally in the 
name of patriotism; how firmly resolved 
they are that the mere death of veterans 
and their widows and the growing up of 
their children shall never be allowed to 



interfere with our pious benevolence, and 
how shrewdly they meet the danger of the 
natural disappearance of the veteran and 
the mechanical extinction of the tax. 

It is now forty-seven years since General 
Lee surrendered at Appomattox Court 
House. One year later the Government 
was distributing $15,450,000 in pensions. 
This year, half a century later, the Govern- 
ment is distributing $183,780,000. By 
far the greater part of those who went to 
the war are dead; wounds and disease 
incurred in the service have either healed 
or done their work long since; widows 
long since have joined the husbands they 
mourned, and dependent orphans have 
become grandparents. But the pension 
bill keeps going up. Pensioners depart, 
but the pension bill is with us forever. 
The objects of our solicitude pass beyond 
its reach, but Congress creates new ones 
for us, and gives them bigger stipends. 
The processes of time must not be suffered 
to waste or lessen the pension bill; politi- 
cians and claim agents watch it with tender 
interest; no sooner does it betray a 
tendency to decrease than they rush to 
its aid with restoratives devised to create 
new classes of beneficiaries, to augment 
the rates of payment, and do away with 
the need of proofs. 

Look at the diagram, and you will 
notice that after the close of the war the 
expenditure for pensions increased, at- 
tained its natural maximum in eight 
years, and began a natural decline. The 
decline would have continued — had not 
the pension-agents (by this time developed 
into a shrewd and powerful body at Wash- 
ington) succeeded in persuading the poli- 
ticians that a big, permanent pension 
fund could be used with tremendous 
effect in political work. Incidentally, 
the promoters of the "protective" tariff 
idea realized that to pay a big pension 
bill a high tariff would be a necessity, and 
that every pensioner would be an interested 
advocate of a higher and ever higher tariff. 
In 1878 began a systematic, artilicial 
stimulation of pension legislation. It has 
continued ever since. The Arrears Act of 
1878 instantly doubled the bill — and 
gave the first opening to fraud. There 
has followed, whenever it was needed, 

some new Act to boost pension payments. 
Notice, though, in the diagram, that in 
1893 the index line suddenly drops. That 
was the year Grover Cleveland came in 
for his second term and started investiga- 
tion of pension frauds. They were con- 
tinued by McKinley's honest Com- 
missioner, H. Clay Evans. Despite all that 
the politicians and the pension agents 
could do for it, the expenditure continued 
about even until 1907. That year the 
Republican Congress, under the spur of an 
approaching election, passed a series of 
pension promoters, notably the Age Act. 
The bill ran to 153 millions in 1908, and 
162 millions in 1909. Look at the dia- 
gram, and you will see that in the 
last two years the index line has fallen 
— not much, but still fallen — down to 
162 millions in 191 1, and 158 millions last 
year. It was clearly time to do something, 
especially as another election was coming 

Congress has done something. It has 
passed, and President Taft has signed, a 
"Service Pension" Act of much ingenuity, 
calculated to raise the pension-tax by 
about 25 millions of dollars — $25,797,702, 
according to the estimate of the Pension 
Bureau. This is the biggest single raise 
ever made. Half a century after Ap- 
pomattox it adds to the already enormous 
expenditure in pensions a sum equal to 
the total amount paid in 1868 to the real 
deserving and needy heroes of the war. 
How much more it will add next year and 
the next we are not told, but doubtless 
the annual increase during the next de- 
cade will be gratifying; the 200 million 
mark ought easily to be passed next year, 
when we shall be paying out annually 
for an army that long ago ceased to exi>t 
double what it costs to support the 
largest existing army in the world — that 
of Germany. 

It is a supererogatory virtue of the new 
law that it very largely increases the 
operating cost of the Bureau — this will 
now be between three and four millions. 

To raise the 185 millions of dollars which 
pensu >ns will cost this year, the Government 
will allow every man. woman, and child 
in the United States to contribute a two 
dollar bill. Every head of a household 



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chips in twenty cents a week — ten dollars 
a year. This is pure disinterested charity! 
What a source of satisfaction it ought to 
be to each of us to remember that we are 
not selecting the objects of our gifts! 
They are named for us by politicians and 
bureau officials; in fact, pretty much 
anybody who wants a pension and is 
willing to make a few affidavits can have 
one, and the list includes a prodigious 
number of perjurers, forgers, camp- 
followers, deserters, and bogus widows. 
What a satisfaction it ought to be for us 
to remember that it is no longer even 
pretended that pensions are given only to 
patriots who deserve and need them! 
Under the law any one who spent 90 days 
in the recruiting camp now gets a pension, 
whether he needs it or not. It was 
proposed to refuse to give to those who 
already had an income of $2,400 a year, 
but the pusillanimous suggestion was 
rejected; 9,000 pensioners have confessed 
to the Bureau that they have a greater 
income than that (some are millionaires), 
but it would cost more in clerk hire to go 
into this than it would to pass out the 
money. What does any American family 
that pays its $10 tax into the pension fund 
care where the money goes? — care whether 
the recipient or the contributor needs it 


AN AUSTRALIAN journalist in 
London discovered the horrors 
of the East End. At least he 
thought he discovered them, for he saw 
no mention of them in the daily press. 
He planned a series of articles that would 
stir London. Surely the people in the 
clubs on Piccadilly and the residents of 
Mayfair and Kensington were ignorant 
of the horrors of Whitechapel and Poplar! 
I le would tell of the homes that were 
without fires when the thermometer was 
five degrees above zero; of the starving 
children who ran barefoot, their little 
toes raw with the cold; of the gaunt men 
who, failing in their search for work, sang 
"Britons never shall be slaves" as they 
begged for pennies through the streets! 

The articles were powerful examples of 
the muckraker's art. The Australian 
carried them to the editor of a morning 
paper and sat expectantly while the 
Englishman glanced over sheet after sheet. 
The editor became excited. Finally he 
flung the articles upon the floor and 
turned upon the writer. 

"Englishmen don't want to hear of 
this!" he cried fiercely. "No, sir! And 
British papers do not want to publish 
it! We know that this poverty exists, 
but England has been Merrie England 
for ten centuries and by the grace of God 
we'll keep it so!" 

Nevertheless, Socialists have come 
nearer realizing their dreams in England 
than they have in any other European 
country; and Socialism is ever) where 
the instrument through which poverty 
and discontent make their protests heard. 
The audience that the British press denied 
them, the Socialists have found upon the 
stump; and they have proved to this 
audience that the boast of a happy Eng- 
land is a sorry sham. Their indictment 
of conditions as they are has brought 
about a revolution in the membership 
of the House of Commons so that govern- 
ment by "gentlemen" has given way to 
government by laboring men. A Socialist 
and labor leader, John Burns, is a member 
of the Cabinet; and the dominating per- 
sonality in the present British Govern- 
ment is Lloyd George, who calls himself a 
Radical but who is to all intents a practical 

These are changes that completely 
alter the principles upon which legislation 
is made in England. The great Cabinet 
crises now arise not over questions of trade 
but over bills to effect a more equable 
distribution of taxes or the betterment of 
working conditions in the great industries. 
Mr. Samuel P. Orth, elsewhere in this 
magazine, shows how far England has 
drifted from the idyllic peace and feudal 
ideals of government of the " Merrie 
England" of sentimental retrospect. In- 
deed, he himself suggested the title, "The 
Land of Fulfilment.'' that appears over 
the article, after he had made a careful 
study of the advance of Socialism in 
France, German}', Belgium, and England. 



As he aptly says, " England has awakened 
hungry," and the answer to its cry is the 
threat of complete Socialistic domination. 


THE stimulus to the upbuilding of 
farm-life that is to be given by 
the financial help of Messrs. Sears, 
Roebuck & Co., of Chicago, to the extent 
of $1,000,000 is a most excellent deed in 
itself, but it is also a suggestive indication 
of the advanced stage which this move- 
ment has reached. Bankers also in many 
parts of the country are giving their help, 
and boards of trade in many cities and 
towns. There is no other genuine and 
fundamental movement in American life 
comparable in its earnestness to this 
many-sided effort to build up country life. 

The work provided for by Messrs Sears, 
Roebuck & Co. is in the main, "farm- 
demonstration" work — the method of 
instructing the farmer on his own land, 
which Dr. Seaman A. Knapp worked out 
so helpfully in the Southern States. The 
same method is to be used, under the 
direction of the Department of Agricul- 
ture, now also in some of the Northern and 
Western states. It was a great discovery 
(for it is worthy to be called a discovery) 
that the most direct way to improve 
agriculture is to send teachers to the 
farmers. It seems absurdly simple. But 
it has already proved to be the most im- 
portant economic force in the post- 
bellum history of the Southern States. 

The General Education Board which 
has for many years given very substantial 
help to the farm-demonstration work in the 
Southern States has now begun another 
attack on the problem of building up 
country life. The rural school in most 
parts of the country is feeble and unfit — 
at once a result and a cause of inefficiency. 
This Board has quietly and conservatively 
begun the building-up of a certain number 
of country public schools in strategic 
places to do the tasks that the country 
.schools of the future must do, schools 
which shall not only teach children what 
they must know, by right methods, but 
that shall be living and organizing and 
stimulating institutions for all the people 

in their communities. This Board has also 
given $250,000 toward the endowment of 
a School of Country Life in the George 
Peabody College for Teachers, at Nashville, 
Tenn., where men and women will be 
trained to make the right kind of country 

Mr. Montfiore G. Kahn, of New York, 
has munificently provided for the beginning 
of work upon another phase of the land- 
ward movement by his gift of the perpet- 
ual use of 13,000 acres in New Jersey to be 
let, rent free, in ten acre lots, to immigrants 
who come from foreign rural communities. 

To describe such plans of work in 
merely general terms is not easy without 
apparent exaggeration. But this is a 
conservative statement: during the noises 
of our time — the noises of politics, of 
finance, of big business, of labor — which 
attract and distract us, there is no other 
work going on in our country comparable 
in its constructive value to such well- 
directed efforts as these to make country 
life what it ought to be and what it will 
become — the nursery of the nation. 


THERE are good farmers in the 
United States paying 10 per cent, 
interest on mortgages upon their 
farms of 200 or 300 acres. The holder 
of the mortgage can ask that it be paid 
off at any time upon notice. Beyond this 
the farmer has practically no credit 
facilities unless it be a crop mortgage at a 
ruinous rate. 

In contrast to this, in Germany, Ireland, 
and Denmark there are farmers with only 
a few acres and but a small income who 
can borrow money upon their notes at 
4 per cent, for any legitimate farm use 
even if they are tenants and not landowners. 
And men with land can mortgage it at a 
low rate and the mortgage can not be 
terminated until they wish it. 

Our system almost ignores the individual 
farmer and it cripples his operations by 
denial of credit as the operations of any 
other manufacturer are crippled when 
credit is withheld. In some parts of the 
United States mortgages may be had on 
good terms, but there are many places 



where farmers cannot get mortgage loans 
even on good securities. In America 
the making of a mortgage loan is essen- 
tially a local transaction and it will be so 
until Americans have also established 
institutions to issue bonds instead of 
individual mortgages. American farm 
mortgages are not available securities in 
the sense in which railroad bonds are 
available, nevertheless the average mort- 
gage security is greater than the security 
of railroad bonds. When we consider 
the low rate of interest paid on railroad 
bonds, municipal bonds, etc., there is no 
reason to doubt that mortgage bonds by 
proper methods would have similar re- 
sults. That is what has come about in 

A hundred and fifty years ago in Ger- 
many the same conditions existed except 
that the situation was more acute. The 
Seven Years' War was just over. Build- 
ings were in ruins and farm equipment 
was destroyed. Money for improvements, 
tools, and implements was necessary. 
That situation created the Landschajt, an 
association made up of the farmers them- 
selves who issue bonds secured by the credit 
of all the members and lend the money from 
the sale of the bonds upon mortgage at a 
low interest to such members as need it; 
and the mortgage continues until the 
borrower wishes to pay it off. For a 
century and a half the Landschaften have 
given the German farmer a credit that the 
American farmer lacks, and needs. In 
all that time the members of the various 
Landscbaften have never been called upon 
even to help pay the interest on the bonds, 
for the interest on the mortgages has 
never failed; and in that time, though 
now and then the bonds have depreciated 
in value, they have, as a rule, been as 
steady as Government securities. Some- 
thing like $600,000,000 is invested in these 
Landschaft bonds at present, to the vast 
benefit of German agriculture. 


But the mortgage on the farm corre- 
sponds only to the bonds of a manufactur- 
ing company. For its working capital, 
tla- manufacturing company applies to 
the banks. Its affairs are fairly large, 

its business known, and its credit good. 
It can borrow money upon its notes. 
But the farmer can not. He has generally 
to provide his working capital himself, or 
go without. If his farm is already mort- 
gaged and he needs a dozen or so head of 
stock, or money to tile drain or to use for 
any other proper purpose that will make 
the farm more profitable, he has no sure 
source from which to get that money. 
Our credit system does not supply it. 

Abroad, the cooperative bank provides 
this much needed credit. In principle 
it resembles the Landschaft — a number of 
farmers in a district form themselves into 
an association. Every member assumes 
unlimited liability for the debts of the 
association. The credit of the associa- 
tion is not based upon land, as it is in the 
Landschaft, but upon the earning power 
of its members. This has been sufficient 
to raise whatever sums have been neces- 
sary. Moreover, none of these banks 
have failed or had to call upon the mem- 
bers to pay liabilities. As every member 
is liable for al! the debts, candidates for 
membership are carefully scrutinized and 
the work of the officers is constant ly 
watched. As the loans made by the 
cooperative banks are secured only bv 
the notes of the borrower, the banks de- 
mand to know that the money is borrowed 
for some legitimate farm use and that it is 
used for that purpose. And these loans 
are like the Landschaft mortgages — long 
time loans and not subject to call. 

In other words, in the United States 
the farmer has no certain place to get 
money by mortgaging his farm. 1 le 
must find some local capitalist willing to 
lend him the money, and often he will 
have to pay a high rate. If his farm is 
mortgaged, his ability to raise money for 
proper and necessary running expenses 
and improvements amounts practically 
to nothing. If a farmer lacking the 
ready cash should wish to buy a traction 
engine that would be a good investment 
for him, he can not get money at a low 
rate to buy it. lie buys it "on time." 
The manufacturer is lending him the 
money and the manufacturer cannot 
afford to do it cheaply. So it goes; from 
beginning to end our greatest industry 



is crippled for lack of credit and banking 
facilities — and needlessly so, for what 
has been done in Germany, in Denmark, 
in Ireland, even in India, can be done in 
America. We have come to the time when 
we need to have it done. It has a direct 
relation to the cost of food. 


GO and see what baby is doing and 
tell him to stop it," expresses the 
philosophy on which child educa- 
tion has been conducted. "Discipline" 
has meant the restraint of the child from 
doing things he wants to do. 

The wisest word on the subject spoken 
in many a day is that on which Madam 
Montessori bases her teaching: the true 
and better way is to encourage the child 
to do what he wants to do, not to restrain 
him from doing it. The child, you may 
depend upon it, is striving for his own 
good more wisely than the parent or the 
teacher who checks him. What he needs 
is guidance, not hindrance. 

If we could only understand that the 
child is always obeying the law of his life, 
which is the law of action, movement, 
experiment, investigation, with the single 
end of improving himself; is literally 
always bent on educating himself — not, 
of course, that that is his conscious aim, 
but it is the aim of nature whose irresist- 
ible instinct keeps him busy. We com- 
plain that the child won't be quiet, won't 
be " good." Heaven forbid that he should 
be, if to be "good" means to abandon 
his right to develop himself through 
pushing and pulling- and tearing and 
knocking down and running av/ay and 
his right to protest by screaming and 
scratching when he is overborne and com- 
pelled traitorously to deny the voice of 
nature in his faithful breast. 

As he so continually — and mistakenly 
— is. What patient mother who, tiring 
at last of her little son's awkward efforts 
to feed himself, takes the spoon into her 
own hands, but is grieved at the scream of 
anger that rewards her "kindly" act. 
"What a temper he has!" No, that 
wasn't temper at all; it was a loyal 
protest against being thwarted in his 

duty of developing his muscles and his 
eye-judgment through the efforts he was 
making with such admirable patience and 
such sober joy. His supper was of far 
less importance to him than the eating 
of his supper. Action is always far more 
important to a child than is the end 
achieved by the action. That is the basis 
of the misunderstanding that commonly 
prevails between the child and his parents. 
Their idea is to get him dressed; his idea 
is the operation of dressing. In struggling 
to accomplish that complicated series of 
movements, ever so laboriously and 
patiently, he finds the joy of self- 
improvement; his eyes, his fingers, the 
muscles of his body "function"; that is, 
they enter upon their appointed use. 
That is the way in which he lives, just as 
his parents live in the more mature strug- 
gles of the adult world. The child has a 
right to live and to be understood. He 
has a right to protest the best way he 
can when his instinct is forcibly violated 
by mistaken kindliness, and the scream 
and the sulk ought not to tempt parents 
to bewail his "temper"; it ought to warn 
them that they are somehow invading 
the rights of a personality as sacred as 
their own, as fully entitled to respect as 
their own. 

"What would become of us," asks 
Madame Montessori in a striking passage, 

What would become of us if we fell into the 
midst of a population of jugglers, or of quick- 
change impersonators of the variety hall? — if, 
as we continued to act in our usual way, we saw 
ourselves assailed by these sleight-of-hand per- 
formers, hustled into our clothes, fed so 
rapidly that we could scarcely swallow, if 
everything we tried to do was snatched from 
our hands and completed in a twinkling and we 
ourselves reduced to impotence and to a 
humiliating inertia? Not knowing how else 
to express ourselves, we should defend our- 
selves from, these madmen with blows and 
yells: and they, having only the best will 
in the world to serve us, would call us naughty, 
rebellious, and incapable of doing anything. 

Whatever merits or demerits there may 
be about the new Italian system as a 
whole, there is reason to believe that 
Madame Montessori has laid its basis on a 
profound principle of epochal importance. 



The last fifty years have seen the world 
entirely change its attitude toward the 
insane and toward dumb animals. It is 
certainly time to alter our attitude toward 
little children; time to abandon the ignor- 
ant and heathenish habit of whipping and 
scolding them into that outward "obe- 
dience" which is death, not life, and to 
enter into sympathetic understanding of 
the particular conditions of child-life and 
so assist it to blossom naturally and 
sweetly, and very much more swiftly, into 
new beauty and usefulness. 


IT IS too bad what some people will 
do for money!" was the frivolous 
rejoinder of an unregenerate wit when 
told that an acquaintance had gone to 
work. That it really is too bad what 
some people will do for money may be a 
serious thought in the mind of one who 
reads Miss Josephine Goldmark's book on 
the effects of overwork. 

A tired person, Miss Goldmark says, 
and says with perfect scientific truth, as 
all biologists and physicians would agree 
■ — a tired person is a poisoned person. 
Life consists in changes in the cells of the 
living person; these are constantly seizing 
upon nutritive elements in food and the 
air and casting off outworn, dead matter. 
When a person is at work the process of 
breaking down goes on in the cells more 
rapidly than when he is at rest, and goes 
faster than the up-building process. But 
there is a point beyond which the one 
kind of chemical change cannot go in 
excess of the other kind without harm. 
There is a delicate point at which activity 
must be balanced by rest. So long as this 
point is not passed, all is well: the body 
mechanically purifies itself, like a running 
stream. The noxious products of labor 
are eliminated, and renewing tissue is 
built. But that point passed, the eliminat- 
ing process is clogged and quickly deranged 
and injured. The tired man is poisoned 
by his own waste products. 

Health, even life itself, Miss Goldmark 
points out, hangs upon the metabolic 
balance. In extreme instances of over- 
exertion, as when hunted animals drop 

dead in the chase, they die, not from over- 
strain of any particular organ, such as the 
heart, but from sheer chemical poisoning 
due to the unexpelled toxins of fatigue. 

The essential thing in rest is the time at 
which it comes. Rest postponed is rest more 
than proportionately deprived of virtue. Fa- 
tigue let run is a debt to be paid at compound 
interest. Maggiori showed that, after a 
doubled task, muscle requires not double, but 
four times as long a rest for recuperation, and 
a similar need for more than proportionately 
increased rest after excessive work is true also 
of our other tissues, and of our organism in its 

Miss Goldmark has spent five years 
studying the physiological effects of 
fatigue, and the resulting economic effects 
of overwork. The point of her book is 
to put the case against over-long hours 
on a scientific basis. She gives new force 
and a new language to the argument 
especially for the protection of women and 
children from the greed of their employers. 
And she makes it scientifically clear how 
it comes about, and necessarily must come 
about, that long hours and over-speeding 
must result in deterioration of the human 
machine and in inferior and more costlv 


ONE of the most difficult tasks of a 
school teacher is to arouse an 
interest in the study of English 
in pupils that have not a natural love of 
good books. Mr. Edward Hyatt, State 
Superintendent of Public Instruction of 
California, had often encountered this 
difficulty. One of his periodical tours of 
school inspection took him again into 
"Bret 1 larte's Country," as Californians 
call the district of the central Sierra 
Nevada that was the scene of most of his 
tales of the mining camps. This is the 
same territory that .Mark Twain made 
immortal by its real name when he wrote 
"The Jumping Frog of Calaveras Count \ ." 
Sitting in the "general store" beside a 
big stove, Mr. Hyatt met men who had 
known both Bret llarte and Mark Twain 
in the early days, and he heard from them 


their personal reminiscences of those men been in the habit of visiting us. His 
and those times. followers dimly hint that he is a re- 
Here Mr. Hyatt found the solution of his incarnation of all the prophets, but he 
problem. He went back to his office in smiles and waves it all away, and says: 
Sacramento and wrote "A Calaveras "No! No! No! I am not a prophet. I 
Evening," a pamphlet in which he told, am only a servant of God. You also 
in simple, vivid style, of the modern must be a servant of God." 
appearance of the old mining camp, and His religion, if he can be said to have a 
related the tales about the authors as religion, is this: that all religions are at 
they were told to him by the pioneers, bottom one. The divine voice, he teaches, 
With this narrative he reprinted the can and does speak as well through one 
"Jumping Frog" and "The Luck of creed as through another. The Christian 
Roaring Camp." Then he distributed the should continue in his faith; the Buddhist 
pamphlet to the teachers of the state, with in his; the Sufi does not fail to find God 
the suggestion that it might serve as an in his mysticism, nor the Rationalist in 
example of a method by which instruction his logic. Only, it behooves them all to seek 
in English may be made vital and real to to enlarge and spiritualize each his par- 
unresponsive students, for it brings a ticular faith, to enter into its deeper mean- 
subject that often seems very far away ing and so find unity with all other men. 
right down to their doors, relating litera- There are three million Bahaists already, 
ture to a life they understand and appre- but, while most of them are Mohamme- 
ciate. The pamphlet has been in great dans, because the teaching arose in Persia, 
demand, has been circulated by thousands it is not uncommon to find Jews, Zoroas- 
of copies. It has been so useful that Mr. trians, Christians, and Hindus meeting 
Hyatt recently caused another pamphlet, together, each sect learning a larger inter- 
of similar design, to be prepared, describing pretation of its particular faith in the 
two other famous Californian authors, light of the all-inclusive spirit of Bahaism. 
John Swett, the founder of the state's In London, where his visit excited very 
public school system, and John Muir, great interest, Abdul Baha spoke in the 
the naturalist. Protestant preacher, Campbell's, chapel 
Here is a field for the ingenuity of edu- and the Anglican Archdeacon, Wilber- 
cators. Such official publications as these force's, church; and he held up the Bible as 
of Mr. Hyatt's are an inspiration to new as good a guide as the Vedas or the Koran, 
endeavor and are of enduring usefulness. There is something arresting — as there 
, is in every effort to draw men together 

/~am -roc-Dir dc a iiMTwcocAT — in the visit to the West of this wise man 

CAN THERE BE A UNIVERSAL , „, „ . ... , , , • ■ 

of the East, this lover of his race who 

RELIGION seeks to promote better understanding 

WHAT is Bahaism? And who is among men by persuading them that their 

Abdul Baha, the Persian, whose religions are really all one. If there is any 

kind old face has smiled through fact of contemporaneous history evident, it 

its wrinkles out of all the newspapers of is the fact that the nations and races are 

late? Is it another freak religion? Is drawing together; civilization is breaking 

he another fakir who served to centre the down the barriers; knowledge is showing 

interest of idle women for a few weeks? how vitally the interests of all people of all 

• Perhaps rather more than that. The lands are connected. But religion can 

kindly old gentleman seeks seclusion rather scarcely be said to have been in the past a 

than advertising, and when he has talked, unifying force; it has rather estranged 

he has said so few "queer" things — if than united. Abdul Baha says: "If a 

any — in a vocabulary so free from occult religion be the cause of hatred and dis- 

terms, said so many wise and sensible harmony, it would be better for it not to 

things in so simple and yet somehow so exist than to exist." Yet it is a question 

impressive a way, that it is clear he is how far a religion can surrender its dis- 

not of the type of Oriental mystic who has tinctive character without ceasing to exist. 


HE WAS one of the most cau- 
tious and frightened men who 
ever wrote to this magazine 
for information and help. He 
lived in the country. He had 
never, he said, bought anything in the 
nature of an investment except a mort- 
gage. It was in the middle of the panic 
of 1907; and the only reason why he had 
thought of bonds was that the man who 
owed him money on the mortgage had 
refused to pay the interest and had told 
him to go ahead and sell the land if he 
could. The borrower intimated at the 
same time that it was more than he could 
do himself. 

So the investor turned to bonds, be- 
cause of a chance remark made by a 
friend of his in a bank. He wanted ex- 
treme safety and 5 per cent, interest on his 
money. The period was one of those 
rare periods in the history of the bond 
market when the two factors he wanted 
were obtainable in the same security. He 
was advised to take his choice between 
Chicago, Burlington & Quincy debenture 
5 per cent, bonds, then selling about 
97, and Pennsylvania Railroad 3^ per 
cent, bonds of 191 5, selling at 86. He 
took the latter, largely because he lived 
on that railroad. 

A few weeks ago I heard of him again. 
He wrote in to say that his bank had very 
kindly cashed the interest coupons right 
along. He wanted to know whether the 
bond was worth as much as he paid for 
it. The maker of the mortgage, after 
the trouble was over, had paid up his 
arrears of interest, and was paying off the 
principal. The question was whether or 
not to buy another mortgage or another 

When he was told that his bond is now 
worth about $975 against the $860 he 
paid for it four years ago, he thought there 
must be some mistake, and it took another 
letter to convince him it was the same 
bond we were talking about. When he 
got that fact in mind he wrote again ask- 

ing for the name of another bond that 
would "do as well for me as this one." 

That mild request is the point of this 
story. Some day, no doubt, there will 
come another panic of short duration and 
of sharp effect on the markets of Wall 
Street, so that the bargain counters will 
be filled again with the best bonds of the 
country at panic prices. But it is a long 
wait between panics and the uneventful 
years between are filled with prospects 
that sometimes look just as good as the 
best prospects of panic days but that, 
most unhappily, are not so good as they 

Therefore, it is interesting to observe, 
in the public prints, an advertisement 
offering the bonds of a certain interurban 
trolley railroad, and recommending them 
as "certain to advance 25 per cent, in 
five years." If you are curious enough 
to get the literature of this concern, you 
will find an elaborate argument to the 
effect that there is no steam railroad bond 
that is a first mortgage on a main trunk 
line between two cities of two hundred 
thousand people in this country that is 
not selling "to yield less than 5 per cent." 
Therefore, of course, this interurban bond, 
on a line located between two good cities, 
must soon sell on that basis also, and to 
do that it would have to advance 25 per 

The argument looks inviting; but it 
might be very well answered by the simple 
fact that the people who, a few years ago, 
bought the first mortgage bonds on an 
interurban designed to connect two cities 
of more than a million each would be very 
glad to take 25 cents on the dollar for 
them to-day. 

It takes much more than an expert to 
discover, in normal times, such bargains 
as could be bought blindfolded in the 
panic of 1907. In normal times prime 
bonds of really safe character are not for 
sale 1 5 per cent, below what all men know 
to be their real value. If they ever were, 
the individual investor in the country 


would not get them, for they would be hurry and drop him back again into a 

bought up in a hurry by the great in- worse place by far than he held before, 
surance companies and banks, which hire 

the best judges of value in the country THE COST OF H,GH INCOME 

to keep a sharp eye out always for bargains. You cannot get abnormal interest rates 

combined with safety. If, in times like 

A WARNING FOR THE PRESENT ^IS, th<J p ressure forces VOU to Seek for 

The present is, perhaps, a very good time higher rates, do so; but do not deceive 
to emphasize the fact that bargains in yourself into believing that in doing so you 
securities in normal times are not apt are holding to the same principles of con- 
to be very cheap. Often they are marked servatism and safety that were charac- 
down, not because of a spirit of philan- teristic of the old-fashioned investment, 
thropy or even because the owner wants You are forced, perhaps, to look for higher 
to get them "off the shelves," but be- revenue. Do it, then, with your eyes 
cause of very good reasons inherent in open, quite conscious that you increase 
the securities themselves. You may go your risk in some degree for every tenth 
into Wall Street to-day and buy bonds of one per cent, that you increase your 
and notes of railroad systems that look income. That will make you cautious 
quite solvent and even prosperous, and and save you from blundering through a 
you can get 6 per cent, or 7 per cent. — or, fool's paradise into poverty, 
if you want to take a chance, even 8 per When you first venture into new paths, 
cent. — on your money. Nobody, however, tread cautiously. Study the principles 
considers them very rare bargains. The of the new form of investment quite as 
only people who have a right to buy them carefully as you ever studied the old. 
are people who can sit tight and see them It is quite possible to change from 3^ 
through, whatever comes, without selling per cent, investments to 4I per cent, in- 
the automobile. vestments, these days, without giving up 

The same remark applies to a great anything you really ought to keep; and 

many very alluring and perfectly legitimate it is equally possible to swing from 4 per 

offerings of investment securities. It is cent, securities to 5 per cent, securities 

just about as true to-day as it ever was without getting on dangerous ground, 

that the man who tries to make $1,000 Only — you have to give up something, 

earn as much interest for him as $2,000 For instance, it is safe to say that no 

earned five years ago doubles his risk as security ought, nowadays, to sell on a 

well as his income. Mathematically it 4 per cent, basis of fixed income unless 

is not true; because any economist can it is absolutely safe, perfectly marketable 

tell you that interest rates are higher any day, good as collateral in the bank, 

to-day on account of the cost of living and known to all men as a standard invest- 

and gold production and extravagance ment security. Now the ordinary in- 

and a few other things; but this difference vestor who puts money away for income 

is decidedly not a good reason to suppose does not care whether he could borrow 

that a man can get 7 per cent, to-day as at his bank on his investments or not, 

safely as he could get 4 per cent, a few whether he could sell them any day by 

years ago. telephone, or whether they are well known 

This article is intended to be a note of in the markets as standard securities, 

warning. The alluring search for high Therefore, if you want to readjust your 

income, the constant pressure for higher income to meet your expenses, figure out 

and higher revenue — they have their own the change on a common sense basis, 

peculiar dangers. Here and there, as Give up some convertibility, give up some 

time goes on, undoubtedly some of the of the satisfaction of owning the best 

stocks and bonds that now tempt the old- there is no matter what it costs, give up 

fashioned investor out of the safety and, all chances for an increase in the value of 

perhaps, penury, of his 4 per cent, to your security if you like — but don't 

5 per cent, income will go to pieces in a give up safety, 







PEOPLE nowadays don't want to itself felt in constantly increasing meas- 

go to church," said a clergyman ure as a distinct religious influence 

friend to me the other day and, where that was the greatest need, 

when I demurred, he told me Its president and moving spirit is 

this story from his own experi- an ordained clergyman who, being a 

ence. A certain tradesman contributed Christian, is also a good citizen. Properlv, 

regularly to the salary of the minister the story of his work should begin with 

of his parish, but never set his foot him, but first a word of his field, 

inside the church. One day Deacon Jones, Every one has heard of the "Loop 

having collected his quarterly check, District" in the city of Chicago. It is 

pressed him to give a reason. The man the district of big hotels, big business, huge 

made several evasive replies, but finally department stores — the trade centre of 

blurted out: "If you will insist, I will the city, with a population distinct from 

tell you. As a member of the community, that of its home section. The hotels are 

from habit — because 1 think it is best filled with traveling men, particularly at 

for the people — put it any way you the end of the week when they come from 

like — I support the church. Outside of the surrounding country to "Sunday 

that, for myself, I don't care a damn over" there, or to get into touch with 

for it." their firms. In the upper stories of the 

"That," said my friend, "is the attitude, big business buildings live thousands of 

and how are you going to get around it ?' : engineers, janitors, and care-takers whose 

I think my friend is getting around it, very existence is scarcely suspected by the 

for the order "Forward march!" that is crowd. 

ringing through the land has been heard This, too, is where the homeless 

in his community too. While we are army of young men and women who live 

limbering up and getting ready to move, in boarding houses and furnished rooms 

all of us, let me set down here the experi- spend their days, perhaps the most for- 

ence of a church in the very heart of a lorn class in any great city, as many a 

great city, the pews of which are never reader knows from personal experience, 

empty though it depends on no social Of amusements, good and bad, there is 

attractions, no institutional feature, to never a lack. But Sunday, especially 

fill them, and though it offers to the people Sunday evening, brings hopeless boredom 

no impressive ritual or creed other than to those who either cannot afford, or do 

the life of Jesus Christ and its teachings, not fancy, the cheap shows. Once there 

It is true that it does not call itself a church were two great People's Churches with 

and lays no claim to denominational services in public halls. One has dis- 

fellowship; but it is also true that it banded; the other, Central Church, still 

gathers within its doors every Sunday draws large audiences to the Auditorium 

night during eight months of the year in the morning. In the evening its doors 

one of the largest congregations to be found are closed. 

in the land, if indeed it has an equal in Into this situation came Clifford W. 

point of numbers, and that it is making Barnes, a young theologian whom Presi- 



dent Harper had brought out with a 
group of Yale "fellows" to teach in the 
Chicago University. As an instructor 
in sociology he became the first man 
resident of Hull House and battled with 
the powers and principalities that ob- 
structed Jane Addams's beneficent work, 
made speeches from cart-tails at election 
times; then, by and by, ran a little settle- 
ment of his own on the civic outposts. 
As opportunity offered here or there 
for a man's work, he held one or two 
pastorates in the city and the presidency 
of a minor college. During a year's 
residence in Paris where, in the absence of 
Rodman Wanamaker, he was acting Presi- 
dent of the American Art Association, he 
had conducted with Mrs. Barnes a Sunday 
evening service for English-speaking stu- 
dents. They came in such crowds as to 
make the problem of providing house- 
room always urgent. The Latin Quarter 
is not supposed to be especially fruitful 
soil for religious teaching. Here was 
proof that it was merely for want of tilling. 
It was this experience that made Mr. 
Barnes consider the Loop District atten- 
tively. He saw a situation not unlike 
the one he had left behind in the Latin 
Quarter, and he believed that he had the 
right key to fit into it. 


Mr. Barnes is a man of action. Chris- 
tianity to him means helping the neigh- 
bor. There resulted a series of interviews 
with some of Chicago's best citizens, 
business men like Mr. Adolphus C. Bart- 
lett, John G. Shedd of Marshall Field 
& Co., Mr. Charles L. Hutchinson of the 
Corn Exchange National Bank, Mr. John 
T. Pirie, Mr. Eugene J. Buffington, Presi- 
dent of the Illinois Steel Co., Mr. Henry 
P. Crowell of the Quaker Oats Co., Mr. 
David R. Forgan of the National City 
Bank, Mr. Franklin MacVeagh, Sec- 
retary of the Treasury, and Mr. Wil- 
liam P. Sidley. The list is much longer 
than that, but as it stands here it is long 
enough to give an idea of the kind of men 
Mr. Barnes enlisted in the support of his 
Sunday Evening Club that was organized 
in the winter of 1908 "to maintain a 
service of Christian inspiration and fellow- 

ship in the business centre of Chicago." 
They guaranteed the cost of the experi- 
ment and in fact paid the first year's 
deficit. There has never been any since. 
The question of location was soon 
settled. Two halls were offered, one that 
had room for seven hundred, the other, 
Orchestra Hall, which the people of Chicago 
built for Theodore Thomas as his musical 
home. When Orchestra Hall is packed 
to the last seat on the platform and in the 
top gallery it holds quite three thousand. 
The projectors of the Sunday Evening 
Club had the courage of their convictions 
— perhaps it would be more correct to 
say of Mr. Barnes's convictions — and 
they were not men to stop at half measures. 
They leased the large hall, and their faith 
was justified. It filled up rapidly during 
that first winter, and since then there has 
rarely been a Sunday evening, rain or 
shine, when it was not packed to the roof. 
The parallel of the Latin Quarter is com- 
plete: the puzzle of to-day is how to make 
more room. This last winter the great 
Auditorium Hall would have been leased, 
could permanent tenure have been guaran- 
teed. That would have almost doubled 
the present membership of the "Club." 


How did they do it? Feeling sure that 
all that was needed was to make the meet- 
ings and their purpose known, they went 
to work systematically to do that. They 
enlisted the newspapers first. Then cards 
were placed in every hotel, and freely 
circulated, giving the hour and place of 
their meetings. For a while, when there 
was yet room to spare, every guest who 
had registered in the hotels of the district 
up to a late hour Saturday night found a 
personal letter in his box at noon on Sun- 
day asking him to come. As I said, it 
worked from the start. They came so 
early, for fear of losing the chance of a 
seat, that the lobby of the building was 
crowded an hour and a half before the hall 
was open. The people — they were nearly 
all men — stood around and waited pa- 
tiently enough, but a lot of good time was 
going to waste. 

Mr. Barnes considered once more and 
talked it over with his wife. Up in the 



building was a large room that could 
hold two hundred and fifty. They hired 
that and invited in the crowd downstairs. 
Mrs. Barnes played for them, and they 
sang. Her husband talked to them, and 
they listened and brought their friends. 
Very soon there were more wanting to 
get in than the room would hold. Again 
they had to move, this time into the big 
hall where, for half an hour before the 
evening service, husband and wife now 
carry on a — Bible class, would you call it? 
Hardly that; it is more like a neighborly 
gathering where they all sing together 
and have a good time, and Mr. Barnes 
tells stories of the life of Jesus in the 
simple language of plain men. He told 
me once that he shivered and shook and 
was afraid he couldn't do it right. If 
that is the way, he is like the old general 
who regularly before a battle went away 
by himself and told his limbs to shiver 
and get done with it, he had work to do; 
and then, when the fit was over, went 
out and won the fight. There will be, 
in long after years, many a Chicago 
business man who will remember those 
meetings with a glow of grateful feeling. 
The "Class" now numbers seventeen 
hundred men, regular in attendance. 


At 7.35 the doors of the hall are thrown 
open to the rush, and the evening service 
begins with orchestral music. The great 
choir that leads the worship at the Chicago 
Sunday Evening Club is another of its 
achievements. They had volunteers first, 
and a quartette of highly trained singers. 
Of their experiences with these was evolved 
the present choir of eighty voices from 
Chicago's music schools that comes twice 
a week for practice, glad of the chance, 
and gives to the service a musical setting 
the like of which one shall seek far to find. 
It lends, in its simple robes, the one touch 
of ritual to the meeting. 

When all the hall can hold are in, the 
audience stands to sing the doxology and 
recite the Lord's Prayer. There has 
been no occasion in my experience when I 
have not had to bore my way through 
hundreds left outside, for whom there was 
no room. Within, except for the physical 

environment that suggests the theatre, 
no one would know that he was not in 
a church. Some citizen reads the scrip- 
ture. The last time I was there it was 
Mr. Clarence F. Funk, General Manager 
of the International Harvester Company. 
Doctor Stuart, editor of the Northwestern 
Christian Advocate, prayed. There were 
the usual anthems and then Mr. Barnes, 
who is the president of the Club, made 
the announcements. And there cropped 
out a characteristic touch of commercial 

"Any one," he said, "who desires to 
join or affiliate with the church, any 
church — this is not a church — will find 
a committee in the hall read)- to do business 
with them." 

And business booms, I am told. Nat- 
urally the churches approve. They would 
anyhow, having common sense. 


There is a collection, of course. It has 
never been emphasized, but, as an ex- 
pression of the conscience of the meeting, 
it has grown steadily from forty or fifty 
dollars until now it averages a hundred. 
And Mr. Barnes tells me that, among the 
contributions which aggregate the large 
sum of $20,000 that goes to support the 
work, are many of five dollars or less that 
clearly represent the gratitude of traveling 
men and clerks who thus pay their club 
membership fees — the only way they 
are ever collected. 

"Come Thou Almighty King," they 
sang the last Sunday evening I worshipped 
with them, and then came the address, 
another hymn, and the benediction. It 
is a rare inspiration to look into those 
thousands of faces from the platform. A 
suggestive departure from the ordinary 
church congregation strikes one at once: 
three fourths of them are men, young men 
and old men, the grist of the business dis- 
trict. There are no cranks among them, 
or, if they are there, they are not heard of, 
for there is no discussion. But not in- 
frequently does one hear an old-time 
"Amen, Lord!' And after the organ has 
ceased booming, many a gray-haired 
brother comes to shake the speaker by the 
hand and give him a hearty "God bless 


you!" on his way. Sometimes it is a the men of Chicago" is its purpose, not 

minister who speaks, as often a social a bad rendering of the neighborly gospel, 

worker like Jane Addams, Owen Lovejoy It has at present 250 members, is housed 

of the Child Labor Committee, or Graham under the roof of the City Club, and 

Taylor. Or it may be Dr. Grenfell thrives well. 

when he comes that way, or Booker This is the story of one effort of plain 

Washington, or Senator Beveridge, Justice men to bring the gospel to their fellows, 

Hughes of the Supreme Court, Gifford and of how they have succeeded. It is 

Pinchot, Judge Lindsey, William Jennings not the end, for the idea of a great City 

Bryan, Baron d'Estournelles de Constant Temple downtown that shall be used as an 

of the French Senate, the governor of a auditorium on week days and shall be 

state, the president of a university or of managed, as now, by a citizens' committee, 

some great business corporation. They is visibly working out of it. Whether or 

all have their innings. Whoever has a not the Chicago Sunday Evening Club 

moral message is welcomed, doubly so if comes eventually to worship in its own 

it is drawn from the life and teachings of house, it has already earned its place as 

Jesus Christ. Yet, Rabbi Emil Hirsch, a permanent and useful influence in the 

one of Chicago's eloquent preachers, has city's life. One is not surprised to learn 

been heard there, and this last winter that the man, whose energy and faith in 

Rabbi Stephen Wise of New York, who his fellowmen has primarily wrought 

spoke on "a nation's conscience." If I this result, is the same who, as Chairman 

were to formulate the creed of the Sunday of the Committee of Fifteen, is battling 

Evening Club, I should put it, "All God's effectively with the White Slave traffic 

Children." It is as wide as that. in Chicago, and, as President of the Legis- 

The Sunday Evening Club meets from lative Voters' League, brought the charges 

October until May. Out of its ranks has against Senator Lorimer that have stirred 

sprung a Men's League that helps work the country from one end to the other, 

out on week days the problems of every- It seems natural to expect Clifford W. 

day citizenship. "To promote good Barnes to be that kind of citizen. And 

fellowship and mutual helpfulness among it is very wholesome that it should be so. 





NEW YORK CITY, below its with hypodermics of steam; weighting 
man-piled coverings, is a huge it with skyscrapers, the dismal streets be- 
stone lizard sprawled flat on low dark as sunless ravines; plastering 
its belly, its head erect at its sides with grass bordered by asphalt 
Spuyten-Tuyvel, its arms and into which scraggly trees are stuck and — 
legs touching the two rivers, its tail as a crowning indignity — criss-crossing 
flopping the Battery. its backbone with centipedes of steel, 
All along the spine and flanks of this highways for endless puffing trains belch- 
Reptile of Gneiss tormenting men dig and ing heat and gas. 

bore and blast; driving tunnels through This has been going on in constantly 

its vitals; scooping holes for sub-cellars increasing malevolence since the Dutch 

five floors under ground; running water landed, and will continue to go on until 

pipes and gas mains; puncturing its skin three or four, or perhaps six, brand-new 



cities, each one placed exactly above the 
other, are piled on top of the poor beast. 
What will happen then, especially if it 
loses all patience and some fine morning 
gives an angry shiver, as would an old 
horse shaking off flies, some lucky survivor 
near the Golden Gate may know, but no 
one questions that it would be unpleasant 
for the flies. 

In the meantime the sun shines on 
spider-web bridges; lofty buildings with 
gold-topped walking sticks of towers, 
miles of sidewalks obscured by millions of 
people; endless ribbons of streets swarm- 
ing with wheeled beetles, and countless 
acres of upturned ground scarred with 
the ruins of the old to make ready for the 
new, while over, through, and in it all lives 
the breeze and thrill, the spirit and cour- 
age of a Great City, made great by Great 
Men for other Great Men yet unborn 
to enjoy. 

In this twisted, seething mass stand 
quaint houses with hipped roofs; squat 
buildings crouching close to escape being 
trampled on — some hugging the sides of 
huge steel giants as if for protection; 
patches of thread-bare sod sighed over 
by melancholy trees guarding long-for- 
gotten graves; narrow, baffled streets 
dodging in and out, their tired eyes on the 
river; stretches of wind-swept spaces 
bound by sea-walls, off which the eager, 
busy tugs and statelier ships weave their 
way, waving flags of white steam as they 
pass; wooden wharves choked with queer 
shaped bales smelling of spice, and ill- 
made boxes stained with bilge water, 
against which lie black and white monsters 
topped with red funnels, surmounting 
decks of steel. 

All these in the very chaos of their 
variety are the spoil of the painter. Some 
of them are reproduced in these pages. 


The Demon of Unrest and Hurry — 
that ruthless gore which recognizes noth- 
ing but its own interest — is responsible 
for this — the greatest monstrosity of our 
time. Away go our most honored treas- 
ures — houses, churches, and breathing 
spaces. Nc more quaint doorways and 
twisted iron railings; no more slanting roofs 

topped with honest chimneys; no more 
quiet back yards where a man could sit and 
rest. Out of my, way you back numbers! 
So in go the testing drills — way down 
in the earth's vitals. Then the blasting 
begins. Never mind your old-fashioned, 
rickety cupboards holding your grand- 
mother's tea-cups — lock them up in the 
cellar until I get through. Now the 
caissons are sunk — big round as a ship's 
funnel and many times as long: down 
they go, slowly — slowly — one foot at a 
time — the brown ground-hogs digging 
like moles in the foul air. A swarm of 
Titans rush in. Up go the derricks — 
the cranes swing — half a score of engines 
vomit steam and smoke. Then huge 
beams of steel — heavy as a bridge-truss 
and as thick — punched and ready, are 
swung into place, and the upward lift 
begins. Up — up — up — into the blue 

— a gigantic skeleton of steel over which 
is stretched a skin of stone punctured with 
a thousand browless eyes. 

When the height is exhausted — that is, 
when the limit of the crime is reached — 
the flat lid is screwed on; partitions are 
run, dividing the open space into cells 
for the various bees who are to toil inside; 
the eyes of the windows are glazed, shut- 
ting out the air; below, in the bowels of 
the sub-cellars, huge fires are kindled, while 
here and there the express cars of a score 
of elevators mount and fall. 

Outside this prison of industry — the 
free — those still uncondemned, look up 
in wonder. 

And well they may! 

The vertical straight line is the line 
of the ugly. The rectangular is two 
straight lines conspiring to strangle beauty. 
These are fundamental laws to the Demon 

— laws he dare not ignore. Build his 
bee-hive on a curve, or a slant and it would 
sag like a battered basket. What New 
York will look like when the rest of our 
streets are lined with this "drygoods- 
box-set-up-on-end" style of architecture 
with fronts but so many under-done 
waffles, is a thought that disturbs. 


When old Peter Stuyvesant, in 1 6s ^ 

built his split tree-trunk of a wall twelve 









feet high, running from river to river, he 
had in mind the protection of a few isolated 
houses fronting a parade ground guarded 
by sentries: we have the same dead line 
to-day, but it is to keep out the thieves. 
The wall came down in 1699, and then 
the Slave Market and slaughter houses 
followed, together with all the horrors 
which the broom of Municipal Govern- 
ment sweeps before it. 

Up the street, on the edge of the hill, 
old Trinity -- arbiter of peace — raised 
its front, its shadow falling on the illus- 
trious dead who had fashioned the new out 
of the old, and whose names still tell the 
story of the past. Then the years rolled 
on, and there came the Sub-Treasury, its 
own inherent dignity glorified by Ward's 
statue, and then along the narrow curb 
the fight for place began. One after 
another huge structures of steel and stone 
arose; while big, swaggering bullies of 
buildings locked arms with the clouds, 
looking down in contempt on lesser folk. 

How he would storm - that hot- 
headed, irascible, honest old Peter — could 
he see it all; and how his old wooden leg 
would stamp up and down the asphalt 
when he found his own stentorian voice, 
that had once dominated the colonies, 
drowned in the mighty surge and clash 
of the forces of to-day -- the never-ending 
roar of frenzied men bent on gain; the 
rumble of wheels and clatter of hoofs; the 
hum and whir of countless machines — 
one great united orchestra shouting the 
Battle Cry of the New Republic — 
America's Song of Success. 

Out of the din, overlooking the struggle, 
are, here and there, cases of silence, where 
self-contained men sit in carpeted offices 
behind guarded doors, armed with pens 
whose briefest tracings spell poverty or 
wealth; their fingers pressing tiny but- 
tons' that sway the markets of the world. 

Crouching close, hedged in, but still 
defiant, the Old Church - undismayed, 
fearless — guarding its dead — still lifts 
its slender finger pointing up to God 
calling the people to prayer. 

Ofttimes — even in the thick of the 
fight — men listen, close their desks, and. 
within the sacred precincts, kneel and 
worship. Then there soars a note of 

triumph that rises above the tumult of 
gain and endeavor — a note that lifts the 
struggle out of the sordid — a note that 
steadies and redeems. 


A great triumph this: the master work 
of a great archer who, first, in thought, 
shot this bridge across the river; never 
doubting his ability, in the thirteen years 
of work that followed, to make real his 

One wire at a time: the first carried 
in a rowboat in the hands of a boy between 
towers 272 feet above tide-water, and a 
mile or more apart --5,268 of these 
threads of steel, each one galvanized and 
oil-coated, before Number One of the four 
huge cables was completed and men landed 
dry shod on the opposite bank. 

To-day the huge monster, both legs 
spread, carries on his flat hands the hurry- 
ing millions of two cities, the roar of their 
tumult echoing down from mid air. 

These giants — men who have defied 
the impossible — are often forgotten in 
this our day of satisfactory results. 
" Build me a railroad across the Rockies 
— here's the money — " said a capitalist, 
and mountains are pierced, alkali 
deserts crossed, subterranean rivers 
caulked or syphoned, and spider-web 
bridges woven above deadly ravines. And 
so we lie in our berths, a mile beneath the 
snow line in our mad whirl to the Pacific. 

"Fasten a lighthouse to a single rock 
breasting the anger of the Atlantic 
commanded a Government; and "All's 
well!" rings out from the starboard watch. 
as Minot's Ledge looms up out of the i^ii. 

"Cut a continent in two — " read an 
executive order — "so the ships may pass 
and the West be as the East — " and the 
day is already set when the eager hands 
of the two oceans will be clasped in an 
eternal embrace. 

Great men these — and not the least 
of them Roebling, the Bridge Builder! 
lake your hats off to his memory the next 
time you cross his master-work in a fog. 
or when you recall some trip in one of 
those big water-bugs of ferry-boats crunch- 
ing its way through the floating ice — 
the decks black with people. 

Copyright 1911, by W. S. Bowman 










Copyright 1911, by W. S. Bowman 









2 88 


Copyright 1911, by W. S. Bowman 





Cop>ri^lit. 1911b] Mai e.l. lVrtUnJ 


AI llll ridi-r's WHOOPS, I III BRANDISHED HAT, AND Mil WICKED SPURS; head down preparing 





Copyright by J. Shimicz, Cheyenne, Wyo. 







Copyright 1911, by VV. S. Uowmau 













A FEW evenings ago I saw a 
young man, presumably a 
gentleman of breeding and 
culture, place his hand with 
coarse familiarity upon the 
half-bared shoulder of a young lady to 
whom he had just 
been introduced. 
The incident was 
passed by without 
apparent notice by 
those in position to 

Had this happened 
in everyday life the 
offender would have 
been made to suffer 
in some manner 
for his unpardonable 
vulgarity. It really 
happened on the 
stage of one of the 
Broadway theatres, 
where an English so- 
ciety drama was be- 
ing produced by a 
company of Ameri- 
can players. The 
audience was forced 
to swallow the insult 
to its intelligence, 
knowing that the 
actor was guilty of 
no other sin than a 
total ignorance of 
the character he was 
attempting to 

In an interview 
published about that 
time 1 took occasion 
to say that not many 
of our younger 
American actors 
know how to speak 


English correctly, or even how to ad- 
dress a lady. This assertion aroused a 
storm of protest, particularly among 
those who do most of their studying in the 
bar rooms of the theatrical clubs. One 
of the voices loudest raised in protest be- 
longed to the young 
man whose offense 1 
have described. 

There should be 
no position on the 
stage for actors of 
this type, at least 
there should be no 
position for them 
until they have 
learned that it re- 
quires more than 
grease paint and 
clothes to make a 
gentleman, even 
back of the foot- 
lights. It is my am- 
bition to do some- 
thing to improve the 
position occupied by 
the actor — some- 
thing that will bring 
nearer the day when 
the stage will take 
rank as a serious 
profession, the equal 
of law or literature. 
If I can do that I 
shall be satisfied that 
the thirty years I 
have given to things 
dramatic have not 
been wasted. 

Ability and intelli- 
gence, character and 
power of application : 
these are the ingre- 
dients that go to 
make for success 




with the actor as with others. The 
greatest of all is character. 

1 believe the actor should be educated 
for his profession just as carefully and just 
as thoroughly as the young law student 
is prepared for the legal profession. With 
that idea in mind I have decided to try to 
start some ambitious young persons along 
the right road. 1 shall establish a class 
with the very best of teachers — two classes 
in fact, one for men and another for 
women - — paying all expenses, and giving 
my own time and thought. I expect that 
the cost to me for the first two years will 
be from $40,000 to $45,000. At the end 
of that time I believe that 1 shall have 

demonstrated that I am on the right road, 
and 1 have assurances that other and 
wealthier men will then take up the 

My first move was to cause to be pub- 
lished in various papers an advertisement 
of which the following is a copy: 

Well educated, ambitious young men desir- 
ous of entering the theatrical profession write 
to David Belasco, 115 West Forty-fourth 
street, enclosing photograph. Those averse to 
hard work need not apply. 

It was in explaining the meaning of my 
advertisement that I said that in casting 
a play nowadays it is extremely difficult 







to find young men who know how to speak 
English correctly, who know how to walk, 
how to address a lady. And it is true. 
The young actor of the present generation 
seems to think he can not be taught any- 
thing. He thinks only about the salary 
that he believes he should receive, and 

nothing about the stage as a profession. 
He plays a small part and then he joins 
a theatrical club where he spends much 
of his time. He does not take the trouble 
to improve his mind in any manner. He 
knows nothing and cares nothing about 
what is going on around him. He is too 



lazy to learn how to dance, he has no 
knowledge of fencing. He can not speak 
the most common French and German 
words, except in a manner to make him 
ridiculous. Of the masters of literature 
he is in profound and happy ignorance. 

These views I stated plainly and, as 
I have said, the result was a shower 
of abuse. My advertisement, however, 
brought an avalanche of letters from the 
very ones 1 wished to reach. I shall have 
thousands to choose from, and already 
my office force is at work sifting out the 


■ j— J W Jin * 

i y » ^ 


most promising of those who are making 
application to join the class I shall start. 
After this preliminary work is done, the 
final selecting will fall to me, and I shall 
give to this my most serious attention. 
I he members of this first class will be 
chosen without any regard to their finan- 
cial position. As 1 have said, 1 will pay all 
expenses. If 1 find in the cla^ a son of 
wealth, all that will be promised him will 
be that his money shall not work him an 
injury, lie will have to permit me to de- 
fray the cost of his education, and he will 
have to work just as hard and submit him- 
self to the same discipline as the boy at 

his side who may not have a penny. One 
requirement 1 shall make; each student 
must pledge himself not to enter a theatri- 
cal club for three years. 

If 1 find a youth of promise who must 
support himself while he is studying, help 
will be given to him. If I find another of 
equal promise who is under obligation 
to add his mite to the Saturday envelope 
from which the family draws its support. 
employment will be made for him. I do 
not intend to lose a promising pupil be- 
cause of his poverty. 

1 shall make a careful study of the 
temperament and of the character of each 
one who comes under my instruction. The 
young man who needs employment will 
be sent to that work which 1 think he 
needs for his best development. Perhaps 
he may be called upon to work as an 
apprentice to the stage carpenter. He 
may be sent into my library to work among 
the masters of literature, ancient and 
modern. He may have a small part in 
some play. Wherever he is placed, and 
whatever work is given to him to do, it 
will be with a thought of its influence upon 
his development and his future. 

In the school 1 am establishing 1 will 
not have a pupil who does not demon- 
strate his earnestness and his right per- 
centage of character. If he puts forth 
his share of effort I will assure him a 
reasonable success. His personality will 
not be smothered. His individuality will 
be coaxed into greater growth. I shall 
make it my most important duty to save 
the personality and perfect it. To do 
that has been one of the secrets of my life. 
As a teacher 1 have found it possible to 
thrust my fingers into the open bosom and 
pluck at the very strings of the emotions, 
compelling them to do my bidding. 

There was with me a few seasons ago a 
young man with whom 1 labored and of 
whom 1 expected great things. He was 
growing in mental stature and in promise. 
We produced a pla) in which he scored 
an immediate popular success. Only he 
failed to realize that he had learned merely 
one lesson and that his real career was far 
ahead. 1 he next season a contract was 
handed to him which carried with it a 
reasonable increase of salary. The con- 



tract was returned with the declaration 
that the young man believed the success 
achieved by him warranted his demand 
that he be starred and also paid a per- 
centage of the receipts in addition to his 
salary. He refused to see the matter in 
any other light. He gave up serious 
study, accepting himself as one who had 
finally arrived. He has not had a success 
since, and now is all but forgotten by those 
who praised him most. 

Walker Whiteside worked and studied 
and observed for many weary years be- 

from young men who will take university 
degrees this year, from farmers, clerks, 
painters, mechanics, and from men who 
frankly confess that they have been un- 
successful in everything they have tried 
thus far in life. Among those who seem 
to be the most in earnest are perhaps a 
score of young clergymen, each one of 
whom believes that he can teach a better 
lesson from the stage than from the pulpit. 
Several young lawyers have expressed a 
desire to leave the bar for the footlights. 
A complete class might be recruited from 


fore he could obtain a hearing in New 
York, but he refused to be discouraged, 
and simply worked on. Now he is 
recognized as an actor of sterling merit, 
and is always certain of a hearty welcome. 
There are other young men possessing as 
great natural ability as Mr. Whiteside, but 
who, lacking his high percentage of char- 
acter, will never get beyond a first success. 
There are others who will try; and 
judging from the tenor of some of the 
letters that have come to me, the proper 
spirit will be found in those who are to be 
my students. 1 am to be permitted to 
draw from all classes. Letters have come 

those who desire to leave the newspaper 
offices in which they are now employed. 

It was with much pleasure that 1 re- 
ceived letters from young actors who 
recognized the weight of my criticisms of 
their kind. They are the ones 1 most 
desired to reach, and it is from them and 
through them that the best results are 
to be obtained. One young man who is 
now in a Broadway production — a suc- 
cess, by the way — wrote that my ad- 
vertisement offered to him the opportunity 
he had been seeking for several years. 

"Give me a chance," he wrote. "I 
know it is just what 1 need. 1 am not 




averse to hard work, and I know that I 
can learn." 

That letter pleased and interested nu\ 
and the evening after it was called to my 
attention 1 went to the theatre to see the 
young man at work. 1 le pleases me in 
every way. He has the appearance of a 
gentleman and on the stage conducts 
himself as though he has been accustomed 
to meeting nice people. Unless he changes 
his mind, he will be a member of my class. 

1 le will be in good company, too, for 

I shall have with me as students young 
men whose names have been familiar 
to theatre goers for more than one genera- 
tion. One of the applications comes from 
a grandson of Lester Wallack. another 
fnun a Heme, and still another from a 
Jefferson. At least two other well known 
stage families will be represented — but 
their names I am not at liberty to give 
at this moment. 

What I dread the most is the writing 
of the letters of refusal that must go out 


to those eager young applicants who can are the simple truth. There are, to be 

not be accepted. Many more than one sure, honored men on the stage to-day, 

half the writers of the letters thus received men who are endeavoring with all their 

are impossible for the one reason that they might to do their share honestly in life, 

lack the education that must exist as a They serve to demonstrate the smallness 

foundation upon which to build. of the men of whom I complain. And 

I am already employing good teachers from whence are to come the successors 
of elocution, of dancing, of fencing. One to the men who give lustre to the stage 
of the first efforts will be to teach the at the present time? Who are to fill the 
young man to speak English correctly, places of such men as Crane, and Gillette? 
We may have to remove from his voice Where are we to find among the younger 
the burr of the West or the twang of the actors men to take the places of William 
East. Next will come a master of French Faversham, Otis Skinner, E. H. Sothern, 
and German. It is not my intention to David Warfield, Henry Miller, Bruce 
insist upon a thorough course of these McRae, George Arliss, Walker White- 
languages. That is not necessary, but an side, and a few others? W'here are we to 
actor certainly should know how to utter find one to take the place made vacant 
the few foreign phrases the meaning of by the death of the studious Mansfield? 
which is understood by almost every Where shall we find one to take the ro- 
grammar school boy. Something of com- mantic role and please and charm as did 
position will be taught by competent mas- Kyrle Bellew? Oh, yes, one of my young 
ters, and for this reason : no man can read critics gravely announced that another 
his lines properly who does not understand Bellew is not needed because the romantic 
the rules of punctuation. play has gone out with its costumes, never 

The stage itself should be an institution to return. Foolish youth! In one of my 
of learning, and that fact will be carried theatres, 'The Woman" has drawn 
in mind while the education of the young crowded houses for months. It belongs 
actors and actresses is progressing. When to what may be called the " Boss" plays, 
one leaves a theatre he should carry with There have been many of them, with 
him some good thought. At least he much success. But they will not remain 
should have the satisfaction of feeling forever. I am even now putting the 
that what he has just seen was not in any finishing touches to the last act of a 
way vicious. In foreign countries — not- romantic play which will be produced 
ably in England, France, Germany, and season after next. By that time the cos- 
Italy — youths are sent to the theatre tume play will be the thing, 
as a part of their education. They are It was only a little time ago that a 
told to pay heed to the speech of the young actor was starring in a play which 
players that they may learn the correct gave to him a swaggering heroic role. He 
pronunciation of words and that they may was supposed to have been severely 
learn something of voice modulation and wounded in the right forearm. The 
of oratory. They are told to watch the heroine bound up his injuries, and he 
actors that they may learn how ladies strutted from the room, amusing the 
and gentlemen carry themselves in the observing ones in the audience by reaching 
presence of others. out with his right hand and swinging the 

It is almost impossible to imagine such door shut behind him. Bad stage manage- 

a thing being done in this country at the ment? Yes, to be sure. But the fault 

present time as the sending of a boy to the is with the actor, who takes himself so 

theatre to learn how English should be seriously that he refuses to learn even the 

spoken, how a lady should be addressed, most ordinary business of the actor's craft, 
or how a gentleman should carry himself 

in any circumstance. Rather it would ADVANCE IN THE ACTING ART 

be wise to say to the boy: "See what the In spite of what I have said, I freely 

actor does, and do not do it yourself." admit that during the thirty years of my 

Do my words seem severe? Well, they experience I have seen a notable forward 



movement of the stage. We have gained 
somewhat the good will of the clergy, 
which is a splendid thing. The stage 
itself is cleaner, except in spots, than it 
was thirty years ago. It has been said 
with frequency that the stage is as clean 
as the public demands. That is not 
true. The public appreciates a clean, 
wholesome atmosphere in the theatre and 
will pay for it. The best way to uplift 
the stage and the drama is to improve the 
character of the men and women who 
are actors upon it. I think I should say 
that the play will keep up to the moral 
standard of those who appear in it. 

The art of acting has not deteriorated 
in the last quarter of a century. In some 
respects we are doing better work than we 
did twenty-five years ago. But we are in 
a different school — a school created 
perhaps by modern mechanical and elec- 
trical invention. The audience no longer 
hears the machinery creak. The scene 
placing and picture building has come to 
be a true art. And so we have escaped 
from that school of acting which of 
necessity depended upon the voice for 
its best effects. The stage was built 
with an apron reaching far out into the 
body of the theatre. The lighting effects 
were poor and, when the big scene was on, 
the player came 'way down front, almost 
in the midst of the audience, where he 
orated and declaimed, to the delight of 
his hearers. 

Then came the electric light and the 
spot light which follows the actor to the 
deepest corner of the stage. The stage 
apron was abandoned; the drop curtain 
and the frame for the stage appeared, 
permitting the actors to group with the 
effect of a great living picture. Light 
and shade lend themselves well to the 
stage. The art has changed, and the old 
school of acting has been left behind, but 
we have dropped none of the vice that 
attended upon it. 


There are many more competent actors 
in England than in America, and the 
reason is not hard to find, nor is it much 
to our discredit. In England there is an 
upper middle class of gentlemen — I 

mean gentlemen in the technical sense 
— which does not exist in America. Per- 
haps it is England's misfortune that it is 
so. At any rate, the young men belonging 
to the families of this class find them- 
selves without employment. They are 
not fitted for a hard battle with life, but 
their early education does fit them for 
the stage. They have the graces of the 
drawing room; they are well educated, as 
a rule, particularly in modern languages; 
and they travel sufficiently to know much 
of Europe. 

We can draw from no such class as that. 
But, on the other hand, our men know 
more than do the English of the sterner 
side of life, and they should make better 
character actors. Give to them as thor- 
ough a training and as much of an edu- 
cation as the English boys have, and the 
Americans should, and I believe will, do 
the better work on the stage. That is 
the thing I hope to demonstrate. 


In all arts there are three classes. 
There are those who have merely the in- 
telligence of their profession. They can 
paint, they can write, they can sing or 
they can act, but they can do only the 
one thing. They are in a big majority. 

Then there are those who have a general 
intelligence, with no great natural ability. 
They are the students and make a success 
of whatever they undertake. Perhaps 
Richard Mansfield was the best example 
of this class we have had in America. 
Mansfield was an actor of wonderful 
merit, because he was ever a deep student, 
but he would have been a great lawyer 
or a great physician had he chosen either 
of those professions instead of the stage. 

The third and smallest class is composed 
of those of great natural ability who are 
also possessed of the intelligence of their 
own profession. These are the truly 
great men. There come into my mind 
now the names of Booth and Jefferson. 
Either could have done anything well, 
but neither could have made so great a 
success of anything as he did of the stage. 

It is a long look ahead to think of turn- 
ing out of any school a Booth, a Jefferson, 
or a Mansfield. But that is what the 



school is for — the building of a broad and tions as did the young woman at whom I 
a strong foundation, upon which the in- gazed from my position behind a shelter- 
dividual may erect his own superstructure, ing pillar, her future needs no assuring. 

The great storehouse to which all But I do not know her. 

dramatists must go is Life. Life must be When I find myself halted in my work 

studied constantly and minutely. There- of play writing, I know that it is because 

fore, those young men and young women of lack of material, and for that material 

whose education I shall undertake to 1 must return to the great storehouse, 

advance must train themselves to ob- Again I go into the streets; I haunt the 

servation. I have always worked hard shadowed doorways; I study life as it 

— have done so since I was a baby. Such passes me. At last I single out from the 

education as I now have has come to me as throng the individual — the character 

a result of my study in those two great that suits. I hunt him down, I stalk him 

schools — Life and Nature. I am ob- as eagerly as ever the sportsman in the 

serving all the time. I set apart hours jungle stalked his big game. Then at 

which I devote to the study of life as it is last he is mine. 

spread before me. My book is the people; If great good is to be accomplished by 

my lesson of the day is the individual. the work I have undertaken, it must come 

as a result of the proper education of the 
young men. Women are better natural 

One of my favorite places of observa- actors than are men. They have fuller 

tion is the Grand Central Station, where emotions, and I would almost say a better 

there is a constant flow of humanity and understanding of human nature, 
where the emotions are bared in their 

utmost nakedness. There 1 see grief THE STAGE A SCHOOL OF LIFE 

without intruding upon it; there I witness More earnest work by more competent 

happiness and joy and permit myself a stage artists means better entertainment 

share of it. i for the public. As there is created in the 

I watched a young widow following theatre a cleaner and more wholesome 

with tearful gaze the casket holding the atmosphere the effect will be felt in the 

dead form of her young husband. Her homes and in public life. The stage is a 

grief tore my heart. It was real with me. tremendous influence for good or evil. 

I grew old with her, but I learned some- It is a great educational institution, 

thing of life, I added to my store of the Lessons are being taught every night 

great human emotions. in all parts of this country to the thousands 

Again, I saw in a crowd awaiting an who throng our playhouses. Styles and 
incoming train a young woman upon fashions are established by the stage — 
whose face was a look of joyful expectation, not only the styles and fashions of our 
It required no mind reader to know whom clothes but of our methods of thought, 
she was expecting. The great train rolled action, and speech, and of our morals, 
in and came to a stop. Out through the We are imitative animals. Improve 
gate flowed the mass of humanity. There the music of the stage and you will im- 
were little dramas being enacted all about prove the music of the homes. Improve 
us. But my eyes were only for the one the manners of the stage and you will 
central figure. Joy passed from the face, improve the manners of the street. Inl- 
and worried expectation took its place prove the speech of the stage and you will 
as the stream of home-comers began to improve the speech of all the people, 
thin out. That was followed by the standardizing pronunciation and estab- 
keenest of disappointment, and tears of lishing a purer language, 
sadness wet my own eyes. Then of a These are some of the things the success 
sudden, joy flashed back, and rapture, of my plans will mean to the public; in 
Now came a straggler. He was the man. fact, I am working for the public, for 

If there is on the American stage to-day without its encouragement and patronage 

a young actress who can display the emo- no theatre door would open to-night. 





EHIND a flat-top desk in 
Washington, D. C., sits one 
of the busiest men in the 
United States. He is a slen- 
der, fragile-looking young man, 
and he is busy because — 

He is the only director of 10,000 savings 
banks, all established since January, 191 1; 

He is establishing 1,000 new savings 
banks a month and expects to have 12,000 
of them doing business by June 30th of 
this year; 

He is the official custodian of $25,000,000 
of the people's money, with deposits 
growing at the rate of $1,000,000 a week, 
and he expects the total deposits to reach 
more than $40,000,000 by the time this 
article is published. 

He is Theodore Linus Weed, the Di- 
rector of the Postal Savings System of the 
United States. 

When, on the spur of the moment, 
President McKinley appointed a Com- 
mission for the Evacuation of Cuba, the 
clerical staff was selected in the morning 
and left Washington for Tampa in the 
evening of the same day. Attached to this 
train of evacuators were two typewriters 
— inconsequential young men claiming 
not even the dignity of stenographers. 
One was Theodore L. Weed and the other 
was W. Morgan Shuster, later Treasurer- 
General of Persia, both beginning their 
careers as public servants. 

Born in Norwalk, Conn., March 4, 
1876, Theodore Weed moved to Wash- 
ington with his parents when he was a 
child. He went to the public schools, 
then into his father's real estate office. 
In the spring of 1898 the War Department 
was authorized to employ temporary 
clerks on account of additional work 
occasioned by the Spanish War. Young 
Weed, then twenty-two, obtained a posi- 
tion as typist and copyist at Si, 000 a 

year. Though short of stature and never 
robust, he found that he could stand up 
under heavy work, and the men higher 
up grew to depend upon him as a copyist. 
It was while working at this thousand- 
dollar job that he was attached to the 
Commission for the Evacuation of Cuba. 

When the Commission arrived in 
Havana, in September, 1898, they found 
the streets strewn with corpses of starved 
reconcentradoes, and yellow fever waiting 
for those whom starvation had spared. 
In November, their chief sent a re- 
port to Washington saying that two nervy 
young men had stuck to their work 
throughout the fever epidemic and all 
other dangers without faltering, and for 
their courage and faithfulness he urged 
that they be rewarded by promotion. 
These two young men were the typists 
— Weed and Shuster. Promotion duly 
came — to the position of stenographer, 
$1,200 a year. Soon their paths diverged, 
each speedily to work much higher up. 

For more than two years Air. Weed 
stayed in Cuba and was promoted through 
various grades until he reached the rank 
of clerk at a salary of $2,500 a year. While 
still on a $1,200 salary he married. But 
the Cuban climate finally forced him to 
return to Washington. In 1903, Mr Weed 
was hired at $1,400 a year to be the per- 
sonal stenographer and secretary to the 
Chief Clerk of the newly created Depart- 
ment of Commerce and Labor. And when 
Mr. Oscar S. Straus became Secretary of 
Commerce and Labor, Mr. Weed was made 
his private secretary. When Mr. Hitch- 
cock was selected to take charge of the 
I aft campaign for the Republican Presi- 
dential nomination, young Mr. Weed be- 
came also his private secretary. From 
February 22 until June 16, 1908, Mr. 
Weed worked double time as secretary 
to a Cabinet officer by day and with Mr. 


Taft's campaign manager two thirds of of depositories exceeds 10,000 and the 

every night. After Mr. Taft became amount of deposits exceeds $25,000,000. 

President, Mr. Weed was promoted to New depositories are being established in 

the position of Chief Clerk of the Depart- postoffices in all parts of the country at 

ment of Commerce and Labor at a salary the rate of almost a thousand every month, 

of $3,000. In the summer of 1909, he and cash is pouring into them at the rate 

became interested and active in the of $1,000,000 a week. And that means 

movement for a nation-wide organization much when you consider that not more 

to enlarge the commerce and industries than $500 may be deposited by one person. 

of the United States through a cooperative As soon as possible, probably within 

trade extension body formed of representa- four years, every one of the money-order 

tives of leading chambers of commerce, postoffices in the United States will also 

boards of trade, and other influential be a savings bank, and then there will be 

commercial bodies. He served as Chief 50,000 postal banks. 

Clerk until 19 10, when Mr. Hitchcock In these depositories any person over 

had been made Postmaster General and ten years of age may deposit savings up 

wanted him as Chief Clerk of the to $500 and receive interest at the rate 

Postoffice Department at the same salary, of 2 per cent, a year, and the credit of the 

United States Government stands back of 


the deposit as a guarantee of safety. 

Here Mr. Weed began organizing the The smallest amount that may be de- 
Postal Savings System of the UnitedStates, posited is a dollar, and no one may de- 
which had been authorized by Congress, posit more than $100 in any one month, 
and which then existed only on paper. This Provision for savings smaller than a dollar 
organization work, in addition to the is made by having savings cards and 
regular routine labor of the Chief Clerk's savings stamps for sale in every office, 
office, meant that for months Mr. Weed A savings card costs ten cents and a 
was at his desk sixteen and eighteen hours savings stamp costs ten cents. When 
every day. nine of these stamps are attached to a 

Finally all details had been attended card the card is worth a dollar at the 

to and, on January 3, 191 1, forty-eight depository. 

postal savings depositories were opened, The Government supports the Postal 

one in each of the states and of the terri- Savings system by lending these savings 

tories that were then prepared for state- of the people to banks at an increased 

hood. By the end of this year the system rate of interest. Under the law each 

will probably be self-supporting. local postmaster may deposit the Postal 

At the end of the first month (that is, Savings money in a local bank, the bank 

on February 3, 191 1) the deposits in the paying 2\ per cent, interest on it. As 

48 experimental depositories were $60,101. the Government thus gets $25,000 interest 

At the end of the first six months the on every million dollars, on which it is 
total deposits amounted to very little less paying only $20,000 interest, it clears 
than $7,000,000 and the number of de- $5,000 on every million deposited with 
positories had been increased to 400, banks. Already the total interest re- 
despite the fact that for four months ceived from the banks is far greater than 
after the first forty-eight depositories the total interest paid to depositors, 
began business, no new ones were es- 
tablished and the large cities had not government bonds for depositors 
been reached. Twice a year, January 1st and July 1st, 

At the close of business for the first Postal Savings depositors may exchange 
year (Januarys, 1912) there were a few a part or all their deposits for United 
more than 6,000 depositories and the total States registered or coupon bonds, draw- 
deposits had grown to a sum in excess of ing 2\ per cent, interest. These bonds 
$12,000,000. are exempt from all taxes or duties of the 

As this article is written the number United States as well as from taxation of 



any other sort. If a depositor has $500 
in a depository he may buy bonds with it 
and then he is free to start a new deposit. 

When the Postmaster General makes 
up a statement of the number of bonds 
applied for, the Treasury Department 
issues them, at the same time calling in a 
like amount of outstanding bonds. Thus 
these savings bonds do not increase the 
public debt. The first Postal Savings 
bonds were issued July 1, 191 1, and 
amounted to 841,900. By the time the 
next six months' issuing period came 
around, January 1st of this year, the 
amount had increased to 8416,920. 

For years foreigners, accustomed to 
Postal Savings Banks in their home 
countries, sent their savings to Europe 
for safe keeping. But now they have 
begun to entrust them to the more con- 
venient Postal Savings depositories here. 
They are especially impressed that, con- 
trary to the custom in Continental savings 
banks, no fee is charged here for opening 
accounts. Though the volume of inter- 
national money orders issued in New York 
City in 191 1 was about $44,000 greater 
than in 19 10, there was a falling off of 
more than $36,000 during the five last 
months of the year following the opening 
of the first Postal Savings depository in 
that city in August, 191 1. 

Of the 13,869 depositors in the United 
States at the end of the fiscal year, June 
30, 191 1, 3,691 were foreign born, and 
since the opening of hundreds of de- 
positories in large eastern cities this 
proportion has increased. Of the de- 
positors at the end of the first six months 
3,984 were women, 2,159 °f them being 
married — and the married women's ac- 
counts are by law beyond the control of 
their husbands. 

In the beginning the banks vigorously 
opposed the system and many citizens 
were apathetic toward it. Some post- 
masters were unable to get the news of the 
establishment of a Postal Savings de- 
pository published in their local news- 
papers, because of the opposition of local 
bankers. But soon it became evident 
thai many millions of dollars hoarded by 
timid people would be brought from hiding 
and be put into productive circulation. 

Then the opposition of bankers rapidly 
disappeared. The deposits in banks have 
been increased instead of decreased be- 
cause of the Postal Savings system. 


The Postmaster General has in his 
office an interesting bit of evidence of the 
bringing out of hidden treasure — a silver 
dollar thickly coated with green mold, 
one of sixty such dollars deposited in a 
Southern Postal Bank, all snowing signs 
of having been buried for many years. 

A woman in an Illinois town brought 
S60 in dimes, the savings of years, to the 
postmaster for deposit. An aged woman 
went to the Postoffice Department in 
Washington with a well-filled wallet which 
she said had been her bank for more than 
twenty-five years, ever since she lost some 
money in a bank failure. She declared 
that she would entrust her savings to no 
institution excepting the Government. 
There are thousands of that kind of people. 
One of the first depositors in the deposi- 
tory in Globe, Ariz., was a miner who 
came with S47 that he had withdrawn from 
the Postal Savings Bank of England. 

Reports from postmasters all over the 
country indicate that about nine tenths 
of the cash brought to the Postal Savings 
depositories is deposited by men, women, 
and children who never before had a bank 
account. Conversations repeated by post- 
masters show that in fully half the cases 
the people had been afraid of bank fail- 
ures and therefore chose to hoard their 
savings. They preferred to lose interest 
rather than sleep. Now they get a little 
interest, have the Government's guarantee, 
and — the banks the}' feared have the 
money, making it earn a profit. 

When one considers that, in establishing 
the Postal Savings system in the United 
States, an original plan had to be evolved 
that could be successfully applied to the 
largesl territory and population that ever 
had been served by a banking system, and 
that that plan had to be worked out in 
every detail in a very few months, it is 
remarkable that there have been no mis- 
takes to rectify. The forty-eight post- 
masters of the towns selected as the first 
depositories "went to school" for three 



days in the Postoffice Department in 
Washington. During all the rapid ex- 
tension of the system, from forty-eight 
postoffices to ten thousand, it has not been 
found necessary to change a single detail 
in the plans worked out by Mr. Weed 
before the first depositories were opened. 


But though the system is working with- 
out friction, radical improvements for 
handling the rapidly increasing volume 
of business are being effected. One of 
these is the devising of a system for having 
the deposit certificates issued, the accounts 
audited, and the bookkeeping done by 

The certificate system is a great improve- 
ment on the pass-book system employed 
in the Postal Savings departments of other 
countries. One of the most persistent 
arguments in Congress against the Postal 
Savings was the enormous expense for 
bookkeeping that would be incurred. 
In England, for instance, there are more 
than 3,000 clerks in the central office alone 
handling the pass-books. There every 
depositor receives a pass-book, and a 
ledger account is kept for every depositor 
in the central office in London, to which 
every pass-book, from every part of the 
United Kingdom, must be sent to be 

But in the American postal banks, 
pass-books have given way to certificates 
of deposit in denominations of Si 00, $50, 
$20, $10, $5, $2, and $1 each. These are 
issued to depositors and no central ledger 
accounts or pass-books are necessary. 
Individual accounts are kept in the local 
postoffices. The result is that, whereas it 
would require under the pass-book system 
1,500 bookkeepers in Washington to take 
care of the business already developed, 
all the clerical work in the central office 
is now done by fewer than 1 50 clerks. 

Such errors and delays as have occurred 
have been due to the use of certificates 
of seven different denominations and to the 
fact that they are filled in by hand. These 
facts have stimulated the authorities to 
perfect a mechanical method of book- 
keeping. In Mr. Weed's office is a con- 
trivance that looks like a cross between a 

cash register and an adding machine — 
the latest stage in the development of the 
plan to run the Postal Savings system by 
machinery. A machine like this, or simi- 
lar to it, will be put in use in every de- 
pository in the country. 

Inside the machine is a roll of certifi- 
cates with a blank space for the amount 
of money to be deposited. On top are 
two series of levers, one governing the 
amount to be credited, the other control- 
ling the serial number of the depositor's 
account. When these machines have been 
installed and a man deposits $35, for 
example, the clerk will set the cash levers 
at "35," and the other levers at the num- 
ber of the account. Then he will turn a 
crank, out will come a certificate and its 
duplicate, and printed on the end of each 
will be the date, the serial number of the 
certificate, the number by which the 
depository is known in the Post Office 
Department in Washington, the number 
of the account, and the amount deposited. 
The certificate will be handed to the de- 
positor, who will write his name on the 
duplicate, and that will end the transac- 
tion so far as the clerk and the depositor 
are concerned. Inside the machine the 
same data are printed on a slip of paper 
that drops into a drawer which can be 
opened only by the postmaster. And 
there is still another compartment that 
can be opened only by a Postal Savings 
inspector, thus providing a quadruple 
check upon the clerk and the postmaster 
and a quadruple precaution against error. 
And, instead of three certificates, of $20, 
$10, and $5, to represent a $35 deposit, as 
at present, only one certificate will be 
needed when the machine is used. 

When deposits are withdrawn the paid 
certificates are sent to Washington. There 
the certificates are put into a machine 
that punches holes in them that stand for 
the post office numbers. Then they are 
fed through electric automatic auditing 
machines. The introduction of these ma- 
chines will mean that when the Postal 
Savings system has reached its full growth 
200 clerks will be able to do the work in 
Washington that under the antiquated 
pass-book system would keep about 5,000 
clerks busy. 





A. L. 



(curator of the museum of anthropology of THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA) 

A T ELEVEN o'clock in the even- 
i\ ing on Labor Day, 191 1, there 

/ % stepped off the ferry boat 
J % into the glare of electric lights, 
•^ ■•* into the shouting of hotel 
runners, and the clanging of trolley cars on 
Market Street, San Francisco, Ishi, the last 
wild Indian in the United States. 

Ishi belongs to the lost Southern Yana 
tribe that formerly lived in Tehama 
County, in northern California. This 
tribe, after years of guerilla warfare, was 
practically exterminated by the whites 
by massacre, in 1865. The five survivors 
took refuge in the utterly wild canon of 
Deer Creek in Tehama County, and the 
last recorded time that any one saw them 
was in 1870. There were two men, two 
women, and a child — probably Ishi, for 
he has told how, when he was a small boy, 
"so high," the white men came at sunrise 
and killed his people in their camp. 

In November, 1908, a party of water- 
right surveyors working laboriously down 
the canon, came on a hut, from which 
dashed two or three men or women, leaving 
one old, decrepit, and sick crone behind. 
Unable to converse with her, the surveyors 
left her undisturbed; but all attempts to 
open negotiations with the other Indians 
failed, so great was their fear. 

Within a year, news of this adventure 
reached the University of California, 
where the Indians in question were at 
once identified, by their condition and 
location, as the long lost Southern Yana, 
the relatives of the almost extinct North- 
ern Yana, whose dialect and customs hail 
been investigated by the University ethnol- 
ogists only a year or two before. After 
some confirming inquiries in the vicinity, 
a party was organized in the fall of 1910 
to hunt for the Indians. A month in the 

canon, in which practically every foot 
of their territory was gone over, revealed 
no Indians, but ample evidence of their 
recent existence — huts, smoke-houses, 
baskets, nets, pestles, flint-chips, and so 
forth. It was concluded that they had 
seen the expedition first and had kept 
consistently out of its way. 

Then, at the end of August, 191 1, came 
despatches announcing the capture, near 
Oroville, some forty miles to the south of 
Deer Creek, and in a well-settled district, 
of a lone wild Indian. He had been trying 
to break into a slaughterhouse, and had 
been placed in jail, where neither Indians 
nor whites could converse with him. A 
member of the staff of the anthropological 
department of the University of Cali- 
fornia arrived, armed with a Northern 
Yana vocabulary and the first communi- 
cation with the aborigine began, much to 
the amazement of the local Indians. The 
next day Sam Batwi, a North Yana 
interpreter, arrived in response to a tele- 
graphic call, and while finding the dialect 
different from his own and difficult to 
manage, was able to make more headway. 
No formal charge had been placed against 
the wild man, and in a few days the 
Sheriff of Butte County obligingly re- 
leased him to the University authorities 
— an arrangement sanctioned by the 
United States Indian Office. 

In justice to Ishi, his own version of his 
"capture" should be given. His people 
were all dead, he said. A woman and a 
child had been drowned in crossing a 
stream. The old woman found by the 
surveyors was dead. For some time he 
had been entirely alone — poor, often 
hungry, with nothing to live for. This, 
by the way, was no doubt the reason for 
his drifting, perhaps aimlessly, so far 



southward of his old home. One day 
he made up his mind to "come in." He 
expected to be killed, he said, but that no 
longer mattered. So he walked west- 
ward all day, without meeting any one, 
and at dusk came to a house where meat 
was hung up. Tired, hungry, and thirsty, 
he sat down. Soon a boy came out with 
a lantern, saw him, recoiled, and called a 
man, who ran up. In response to Ishi's 
signs, they gave him a pair of overalls — 
for he was naked except for a rude home- 
made garment, half shirt, half cape — 
ordered him into their wagon, and drove 
him to town, where he was put into a large 
and fine house — the jail — and very 
kindly treated and well fed by a big chief 
— the deputy sheriff. 


Ishi's name is not genuine. When the 
reporters swarmed out to the University 
Museum of Anthropology in San Fran- 
cisco the morning after he arrived, their 
second inquiry was for his age, their first 
for his name. Sam Batwi asked him, 
but to all inquiries he shook his head and 
said that he had been alone so long that 
he had no one to name him. This was 
pure fiction, but polite fiction, for the 
strongest Indian etiquette, in Ishi's part 
of the world, demands that a person shall 
never tell his own name, at least not in 
reply to a direct request. To this day 
Ishi has never disclosed his real name; 
and so strong does his sense of propriety 
on this point remain, that he will not yet 
pronounce the word Ishi, though he 
answers readily to the appellation. The 
name is singularly appropriate, being the 
Yana word for " man." 

He was a curious and pathetic figure in 
those days. Timid, gentle, an ever- 
pervading and only too obvious fear held 
down and concealed to the best of his 
ability, he nevertheless started and leaped 
at the slightest sudden sound. A new 
sight, or the crowding around of half a 
dozen people, made his limbs rigid. If 
his hand had been held and was released, 
his arm remained frozen in the air for 
several minutes. The first boom from a 
cannon fired in artillery practice at the 
Presidio, several miles away, raised him a 

foot from his chair. And yet, with it all, 
he displayed keen observation, much 
interest, and sometimes delight. Only it 
was the little things that woke responses 
in him. The first penny whistle given 
him roused more expression and spon- 
taneity than the thousands of houses 
spread out before him as he stood on the 
high terrace of the Museum and looked 
over the city. 

One curious, patient gesture, which has 
never quite left him, was characteristic 
of him in those days — a raising high up 
of his mobile, arched eye-brows. It was 
an expression of wonder, but also of 
ignorance, of incomprehension, like our 
shrugging of the shoulders. It was his 
one sign, for he seemed afraid to use his 
limbs freely at that time, and even since, 
when he feels perfectly at home, has been 
given but little to gestures. He some- 
times uses them effectively when he wishes 
to explain, but never profusely nor with 
any exceptional or instinctive ability to 
make them plain to every one. 


His one great dread, which he over- 
came but slowly, was of crowds. It is 
not hard to understand this in view of his 
lonely life in a tribe of five. A lone 
American had always been a signal of 
imminent danger to him; no wonder that 
a hundred literally paralyzed him. A week 
after his arrival in San Francisco he was 
taken for an automobile ride, through 
Golden Gate Park and to the ocean beach. 
The one thing above all others that drew 
his attention was the Sunday crowds. 
He had never been at the ocean and until 
that week had never even seen it from a 
distance. It was therefore anticipated 
that the surf, which as a phenomenon of 
nature he could understand, would inter- 
est him more than the works of civilization. 
But when the car reached the bluff look- 
ing down on the breakers, with a long, 
sandy beach studded with thousands of 
holiday-seekers stretching miles away, 
everything else was forgotten and the 
exclamation " hansi saltu! " "many white 
people," burst involuntarily from him. 

The shock of this effect over, his mind 
became more receptive for smaller things. 



As the machine wound around the drives 
in the park, the elevated group of Univer- 
sity buildings, of which the Museum is one, 
occasionally came into view, and each 
time a smile would break over his feat- 
ures as he pointed with a nod of his head 
and said wowi (home). As one drive 
turned into another that had previously 
been traversed in the opposite direction, 
or only crossed it, his keen sense of locality 
asserted itself, and again and again he 
told the interpreter that the party had 
passed there before. The car followed one 
of the less frequented by-roads and dis- 
turbed a flock of the quail that roam the 
park in a half wild state as the squirrels 
do in Eastern cities; instantly he stood 
up, following their every movement with 
the hunter's instinct and no doubt with a 
feeling of home and kinship. Next to 
the undreamed-of crowd of people, the 
familiar birds stirred his emotions more 
than anything else during the ride. 


A week later he was invited to a vaude- 
ville performance by an enterprising news- 
paper man in search of a story. Sam 
explained to him as best he might; and 
Ishi answered that he was willing if I, or 
one of the people from the Museum, 
whom he had learned to know, went with 
him. The reporter got his story. But 
he got it out of his imagination. For two 
acts Ishi sat in his box seat and looked at 
the audience. So many people crowded 
together so closely were more remarkable 
than the mysterious capers that a 
couple of actors might be cutting on the 
stage. Gradually he followed the other 
members of the party and the more sophis- 
ticated interpreter, and turned his eyes 
forward. When the audience laughed, he 
giggled with them, out of pure automatic 
response or suggestion, for they might be 
laughing at a pun, a joke conveyed in 
words that were totally incomprehensible 
to him. Horse-play and acrobatics had 
no more effect; in the midst of an act of 
purely physical appeal, his attention was 
apt to wander. When a character or 
event on the stage was called to his notice, 
he smiled politely but embarrassedly, or 
watched the motions of the suggestor 

instead of the thing pointed out. It was 
all absolutely meaningless to him. 

By this time Ishi had come to look upon 
the Museum as his home — not only for 
the time being, but forever. The Bureau 
of Indian Affairs sent its Special Agent 
for California to see him and form plans 
for his future. Ishi was told that he was 
free to go back where he came from, or 
to go where other Indians lived under the 
care of the American Government; but 
he promptly shook his head. " I will 
live like the white people from now on," 
he said to the interpreter. " I want to 
stay where I am. I will grow old here, 
and die in this house." He has never 
swerved from this first declaration. 


His intelligence and quick perception 
showed themselves from the first. Get- 
ting in and out of his coat made some 
little difficulty for a time, but even thing 
else about his clothes seemed to come 
as natural, once he had them on, as to 
a civilized person. One demonstration 
taught him to tie a four-in-hand cravat. 
His pockets quickly contained an assort- 
ment of junk worthy of a small boy. In 
fact, three days in clothing brought him 
to a condition where he refused to strip 
for the photographer — absolutely the 
only occasion when he balked at obeying 
orders. He saw everyone else wearing 
clothes, and would never take them off 
again, he said with metaphorical emphasis. 

Shoes alone had no attraction for him. 
It was thought that they might incommode 
him, so he was not pressed, but asked 
if he wished them. " I see all the ground 
is stone here," he said. " Walking on that 
all the time, I would wear out shoes; 
but my feet will never wear out" — an 
answer perhaps partly dictated by inborn 
politeness, but as ingenuous as logical. 
It was not until the rainy season set in 
and he underwent an unexpected attack 
of pneumonia, that he was provided with 
shoes, and then seemed content. 

There were other instances where he 
reasoned more consistently than our civili- 
zation. He learned very quickly that 
meat, potato, vegetables, and soup are 
not eaten with the tools that nature 



provides; and he was so anxious to con- of communication. Everything in his 

form with good manners that he tried to behavior, his constant and gentle obedience 

use a teaspoon to eat the first peach that at the slightest suggestion, his readiness 

was handed to him. to leave the determination of the most 

He picked up with equal facility the trivial and intimate personal details to 

daily duties which were assigned him to those about him, points in the same 

provide exercise in compensation for the direction. It would seem that such a 

unwonted indoor and sedentary life that position of separation and aloofness would 

the city was imposing. A few days' prac- depress to dejection, but Ishi's demeanor 

tice, and he was bustling about the is cheerful, and the only time he has not 

Museum in early morning hours handling smiled on seeing an acquaintance was when 

the broom, the mop, and the duster with he was sick in bed. 
the skill of an experienced janitor, prob- 
ably with greater care, and certainly with 

the same willing gentleness that marked But even stronger than this sense of 

all his actions. In this or some similar distinctness, which operates only nega- 

direction seems to lie the avenue of his tively, is a violent bashfulness. When, 

future adaptation to the material prob- on urging, he repeats a name that is being 

lems of livelihood and civilization. taught him, he blushes; when he slips 

out for the first time a new English word 

DISLIKE OF THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE Qr ^^ he Wushes and smiles ^ & 

One remarkable fact so far has stood girl. And Ishi's blush is real. His face 
out against his progress toward real mantles and clouds with a frequency and 
civilization: a reluctance to learn English, an intensity never approached by any 
In several months of association only with other Indian that I have seen, 
people of English speech (Sam, the half- What interests him most is the names 
satisfactory interpreter, remained only a of people. " Achi djeyauna" (what is his 
few weeks) one would expect a tolerable name?), is his first and often repeated 
proficiency in the new language, an ability question, until he has mastered the 
of expression at least lively and fluent if appellation of a newcomer. Next after 
not correct. But a few dozen names of individuals come nationalities and con- 
objects and persons are all that have spicuous professions. "Dutchman" and 
crossed his lips. It is not inability that is "Chinaman" were early favorites; but 
at fault, for his pronunciation, when mounted police officers impressed his 
called upon to repeat what is spoken to imagination even more, as being great 
him, is excellent, and some words, such chiefs, and he tried repeatedly until he 
as "water," "money," and "chicken," could say "bahleeceman." The first China- 
blossomed from him in a very few days, man that he saw, by the way, happened 
Strange to say, a certain bashfulness to be an editor in American clothes 
seems to lie at the bottom of this back- and among Americans, but Ishi declared 
wardness; and this shamefacedness is no at once that he was no American but an 
doubt accentuated by the tremendous Indian — no "ghost" but a "person," 
difference that civilization must have to translate his native Yana literally. 
impressed on him as existing between all Soon he began to note distinguishing racial 
white people on the one hand and himself characteristics, and to push up with his 
on the other. He feels himself so distinct fingers the outer corners of his eyes when 
from his new world, that such a thing as he said "Chinaman." And then would 
deliberately imitating civilized people and follow another giggle and blush, 
making himself one of them has apparently 

never dawned upon him. He is one and AN aboriginal shave 

they are others; that is in the inevitable Ishi put on weight rapidly after coming 

nature of things, he thinks; and so he within reach of the fleshpots of civilization 

does not dream of revolting, of attempting and their three times a day recurrence. 

to bridge the gulf by acquiring a new means In a couple of months he had gained be- 



tween forty and fifty pounds. His face 
is as clean of beard as when he was dis- 
covered, and has not been touched by a 
razor. This is not a racial characteristic 
but the result of his substitute for shaving. 
He pulls out his beard hairs one by one 
as soon as they emerge — a habit formerly 
universal among all tribes on the continent, 
but less frequently practised to-day. In 
this connection he manifests a peculiar 
personal refinement: he never follows the 
habit when in company. It was only after 
three months of constant association that 
1 actually saw him for the first time at 
what must be a daily pursuit. 

What Ishi's future will be is hard to 
predict. He himself does not worry about 
it in the least. He is safe in friendly 
hands, with no cares, and is content to 
let it go at that. Until he learns English 
he can only remain the ward of some one, as 
now he is the ward of the United States and 
in charge of the University of California. 

The strange history of this survivor 
from the past seems to show that intelli- 
gence is not the monopoly of civilization, 
and that lack of civilization is perhaps 

due not so much to want of sense and 
ability as to lack of knowledge and pre- 
cedent. Ishi has as good a head as the 
average American; but he is unspeakably 
ignorant. He knows nothing, or knew 
nothing, six months ago, of hours and 
years, of money and labor and pay, of 
government and authority, of newspapers 
and business, of the other thousands of 
things that make up our life. In short, 
he has really lived in the stone age, as has 
so often been said. That this does not 
involve a semi-animal, brutal, merely 
instinctive, and inferior mental capacity, 
is clear in his case, and may perhaps be 
inferred for other uncultured people. 
What it does involve, is an almost incon- 
ceivable difference in education, in oppor- 
tunity, in a past of many centuries of 
achievement on which the present can 
build. Ishi himself is no nearer the 
"missing link" or any antecedent form of 
human life than we are; but in what his 
environment, his associates, and his puny 
native civilization have made him, he 
represents a stage through which our 
ancestors passed thousands of years ago. 





A T I OLA, Kan., a few years 

f\ ago, four wide-awake citizens 

/ \ became imbued with the idea 

I ^m of making something besides 
^ ■ ■*" a farmer's market place out of 
their town. They looked around and 
estimated the visible and available raw 
industrial resources of the community as: 
" Plenty of natural gas for fuel, and plenty 
of rock that may or may not be worth a 

They wrote about it to the president of 
the railroad that served them —the Santa 
Fe — and the president turned the letter 
over to the industrial department. The 

industrial commissioner went to lola in 
company with an engineer. 

"We are ambitious out here," said the 
local men. "We want to make use of 
every cent's worth of natural resources 
that we have got. The trouble is that 
all that we can find which shapes up 
like resources is the gas and a deposit 
of rock." 

"Let us go out and examine the rock," 
said the commissioner. 

I lie men of lola pointed out the vast 
deposit of hitherto unconsidered stone 
that surrounds the town. 

"That's some kind of marble, isn't it?" 



said one. "We might get a stone quarry 
in here." 

" No, it isn't marble," said the engineer, 
after making tests and surveys. " But it 
is the kind of limestone that will make 
first-class cement." 

"We don't know anything about 
cement," was the reply. " We aren't in a 
position to put in a plant." 

"All right," said the commissioner. 
"You've got the necessary raw material. 
Somewhere in this country there is an 
experienced cement maker looking for this 
opportunity. We'll bring you together. 
We'll get a plant in here for you. That 
is the business of this department." 

Through its many sources of information 
the road got in touch with cement manu- 
facturers in Michigan and found a man 
looking for a new field of operation. 

"The place you are looking for is out at 
Iola, Kan.," said the road's agent. "Go 
out there and look that deposit over." 

Through other connections it put cap- 
italists in touch with the cement maker 
and the citizens of Iola. It didn't invest a 
dollar of Santa Fe money — it never does 
— but it brought together the three neces- 
sary elements for the utilization of these 
natural resources. The result was the 
erection of the first cement plant in Kan- 
sas, at Iola. This was the beginning of 
an industry that now comprises seventeen 
large mills and brings millions of dollars 
annually into the Kansas cement fields. 
Why did the Santa Fe go to all this 
trouble? The answer is simple: It hauls 
the freight. 

Primarily and principally, the function 
of a railroad is to furnish transportation. 
The amount of traffic it is called upon to 
furnish, and generally speaking, therefore, 
the amount ' of profits that it will earn, 
depends upon the producing and con- 
suming capacities of the territory that it 
serves. Hence, the policy of modern 
railroads, in all their operating and devel- 
opment departments, may be said to be: 
'The public be helped. The interests of 
the roads and the interests of its users 
are identical. A poor territory means a 
poor railroad. Help make our territory 

Following this policy such roads as the 

Southern, the Lehigh Valley, the Erie, 
the Santa Fe, and others are coming to 
occupy the position of general stimulator, 
friend, guide, and counsellor to their users. 
The work of the Sante Fe may be taken as 
an illustration of their ideals and of their 

The Industrial Department of the Santa 
Fe every year brings $16,000,000 of capital, 
invested in manufacturing and merchandis- 
ing industries, into the country on its 
lines. These figures do not represent sales 
of stocks or bonds, but actual investments 
in new business. The territory that the 
Santa Fe serves is largely new country, 
country in which capital and industries 
are few and wary of adventuring. From 
this may be drawn an idea of the tremend- 
ous importance of the progressively con- 
ducted department of this sort to a rail- 
road's tributary territory. Of course, 
such work is of equal importance and 
profit to the railroad. 

Most localities possess in one form or 
another the first and basic requisite for 
the creation of a productive industry, raw 
material. In a new country there is 
little else. Labor is lacking, capital is 
lacking, and experience. The community 
in which the raw material is found is 
seldom able to develop or even sell its 
natural resources. The material is in one 
corner of the country; the capital, labor, 
and experience necessary to convert it 
into something useful and profitable is 
in another corner. 

The big task is to bring them together. 
A new community, even with the enter- 
prise and intelligence of the local com- 
mercial organizations that are being de- 
veloped all over the country, seldom is 
able to do this. The railroad can and will 
do it, because it is a part of its business. 

Colorado's sugar industry 

This is a typical illustration of how a 
railroad to-day plays the part of "business 
doctor" to the cities and towns along its 
line: The beet-sugar factories in the 
Rocky Ford district of Colorado now are 
firmly established in the sugar industry 
of the West. A few years ago there was 
hardly an industry in this part of Colorado 
that yielded any freight to the railroad 



except a few fruit farms. The road, 
through its expert appraisers, knew the 
value of the land that it was tapping in 
this section. The soil was there to raise 
sugar beets to an extent to rival the 
sugar beet districts of Germany. But 
it does no good to raise sugar beets unless 
you have a sugar mill within easy freight- 
tariff distance. 

It took the Santa Fe Industrial Depart- 
ment five years to get the first sugar mill 
built at Rocky Ford, Col. Then 
the opportunity for the agricultural de- 
partment of the road and for the state of 
Colorado to bring farmers to the sugar 
beet lands had been created. The sugar 
beet fields of Colorado now are of national 
prominence. The same forces that made 
the cultivation of this field possible now 
are working to bring about the same con- 
dition in New Mexico. Thousands of 
acres in that state are as well adapted 
to sugar beet farming as the successful 
Colorado district. Eventually some ad- 
venturous capitalist will be convinced by 
the railroad's statistics, a mill will be 
built, and New Mexico will begin to take 
its place among the sugar producing 
districts of the world. 

In the Rocky Ford district the most 
difficult obstacle to overcome was the 
scarcity of labor. Most development 
breaks on this same reef. The mill was 
built, the beets were planted, and then 
there was a shortage of 5,000 or 6,000 
laborers to thin out the growing beets, to 
harvest them, and to run them through 
the mill when the harvest was over. The 
mill people and the beet farmers turned 
to the railroad. The way in which the 
railroad — the Santa Fe Industrial De- 
partment — serves in this case is typical 
of how the new idea of cooperation be- 
tween the railroad and the railroad user 
works out. It collects Indian and Mexi- 
can laborers by the hundreds in New 
Mexico and Arizona. It can not haul 
them up to the Rocky Ford beet fields 
free — as it used to — because the law 
forbids. Instead, it says to the beet 
sugar people: "Here is your labor. We 
have got it together. You will have to 
pay us, and we will deliver it where you 
need it." 

Omaha, Kansas City, and even St. 
Louis and Minneapolis and St. Paul, 
through the road's efforts, annually feed 
this district with labor. 

Without the factory, there could not 
have been any sugar beet farms. With- 
out the labor, there could be neither farms 
nor factories. And without the efforts of 
the road's industrial men, there would be 
no dependable labor supply. 

"Oh, no; this isn't charity on our part," 
says the commissioner. "We haul the 

That is the reason why railroads are 
beginning to "father" the communities 
they serve. 

" More business — especially manufac- 
turing — more freight. Develop business," 
might be said to be the new motto of the 
progressive railroad manager. 


Mr. Edward S. Ripley, president of the 
Atchison, Topeka, and Santa Fe, is the 
man who has done as much as any one, 
perhaps, to stimulate and develop this 
idea to its present prominence. Some- 
thing more than twenty years ago, when 
he was with the Burlington, Mr. Ripley 
conceived and put into operation an 
industrial department like the present day 
departments. When he went to the St. 
Paul he took his hobby with him, and 
when he became head of the Santa Fe 
the Industrial Department became one of 
his big projects. 

'They all want and need something," 
said Mr. Ripley, referring to the towns 
along the line. "Most of them ought 
to have what they want. Most of the 
things they want will mean more freight 
for the Santa Fe to haul. If they want 
factories, we'll haul their finished pro- 
ducts to market; if they want local 
stores, we'll haul finished products for 
their consumption. We must get them 
what they want and need." 

So thoroughly has this road — taking 
it as an example of the most progressive 
railroads — organized this service, and 
so intimately has it connected its interests 
with the interests of the towns along the 
right of way, that now, when a Santa Fe 
town wants anything, it writes to the road 


about it. In the fifteen years of its The glass-maker went back to Ohio 

operation the industrial department of and put all his experienced employees 

the road has not once failed to supply the under contract to move to California 

demands made upon it. and stay — when a plant and a town 

should be ready to receive them. 

GETTING A GENERAL STORE STARTED The ^ wa$ built and the town 

For instance, a small town in New around it. One day the people of the 

Mexico recently wrote: "We have got little glass town in Ohio got aboard special 

to have a general store here, and we've trains with their household goods and 

got to have it pretty quick." belongings and went West, to become a 

The industrial commissioner went to part of Stockton, Cal. 

the general salesman in charge of this The Industrial Department of this road 

territory for the largest wholesale house has just completed a canvass of the needs, 

in Chicago. wants, and opportunities in the towns 

" Here," said he, " is a chance for a good that it serves. One town wants a paper, 

man to get a start in the store business, and the road promptly gets in touch with 

This is a new town, but it is a good one, a country editor who wishes to make a 

and it is going to grow rapidly. Find change; another town wants a barber 

a man to go down there, and you will have shop, and the want will be supplied, 

another good customer on your books." In one place or another practically every 

In a little town in Iowa was a store- want known to the growing town has 

keeper who had been seeking just such been expressed. One place — "about two 

an opportunity. The wholesale house hours old" — calmly asked the road to 

placed him in touch with the New Mexico hurry up and make the United States 

town, with the result that the town got Government put in a post-office, 
its much needed store, "pretty quick." 

From small affairs like this the requests NO BEER ' NO POTTERY 

go upward with practically no limit. More population — especially laboring 

The biggest order so far filled was for population — naturally is the most im- 

a town — complete. In Southern Cali- portant thing that a railroad can bring 

fornia lay, untouched, a great field of into a new country. The seriousness of 

raw material for the manufacture of glass, the labor scarcity in the Southwest may 

The market for this product was growing be judged from the experience of Tulsa 

up all around. But no glass-makers were — which did not get its pottery works, 

available, and no labor supply of any kind There was no reason except the labor 

near enough to the sand fields to make the problem why it didn't. Tulsa has natural 

erection of a plant feasible. Finally the gas for fuel. Within easy hauling distance 

industrial commissioner found the owner over in Texas is an unlimited deposit of 

of a glass plant in Ohio who would listen kaolin, and English potteries are shipping 

to reason, and he took him out to Cali- carloads of their product into the territory 

fornia to look over the field. that Tulsa could supply. 

All arrangements for the securing of 

moving a townful of people capita] and the bui j ding of a larg e pottery 

"Yes," said the glass man, "here is the plant were assured, while the industrial 

raw material, and a market free from department went looking for pottery 

competition; but what good does that do? workers. It found them in New Jersey. 

There is no labor out here. That makes Representatives of the workers came to 

the whole thing impossible. Why, to Tulsa and looked over the situation. They 

make a success here I should have to were pleased; they were almost ready 

move my whole townful of glass-makers to move, when the report that Oklahoma 

out here and have a town to house them was to become a "dry" state came to 

in when they came." their ears. That settled it. 

"Well," said the railroad man, "let "Pottery makers won't go where they 

us do that." can't get beer," said they; and Tulsa 



still waits and yearns for the coming of 
its pottery industry. Even the railroad 
could not overcome this colossal obstacle. 


But it is not enough merely for a rail- 
road to be willing to bring industries to 
its towns. No good industrial department 
will attempt to locate an industry unless 
it is certain to become a success. Recently 
a number of citizens in a Kansas town 
began to break ground for a factory. 

"What are you going to do here?" asked 
the Santa Fe man. 

"We're going to put in a cement mill." 
was the answer. 

"But, gentlemen, you can't make a go 
of it," said the railroad man. 'This 
isn't the right location for a cement mill. 
You are too far from the markets. There 
is a mill up at Blankville which can under- 
sell you and put you out of business." 

The local men, however, were confident 
that they knew their business. They 
went ahead and built their mill. They 
failed swiftly and completely, as the rail- 
road people knew they would. Now 
when an attempt is made to start an 
industry under such conditions, conditions 
that are certain to evolve a failure, the rail- 
road fights it with every kind of weapon and 
almost always prevents its establishment. 

" It is not good for the community, and 
therefore not good for the road, to have 
a business failure," sums up the road's 
efforts along this line. "Anything that 
hurts the individual and the community 
hurts the road." 

Therefore the road, with its great store 
of knowledge and experience, watches 
over the efforts of the towns on its lines 
with a solicitous eye. It will not let 
them hurt themselves if it can help it. It 
wouldn't be good business. With its 
multiple fingers always on the business 
pulse of its towns, it knows better even 
than the towns themselves when one of 
them is neglecting its opportunities for 
development. In most towns there are 
found a few wide awake citizens who are 
not content to sit still and watch their 
town grow slowly. In a few towns, how- 
ever, all inhabitants seem prone to catch 
the sleeping sickness. Then the industrial 

commissioner goes forth and does mission- 
ary work of the strenuous sort. 

" We know every live business man on 
our line from St. Louis to the Coast," 
said Mr. Wesley Merritt, the Santa Fe's 
industrial commissioner. " We know them 
face to face because we go out and sit 
down at their desks and talk business 
with them. We're something like the 
country doctor: they are always glad to 
see us because they know we are going 
to do all we can to help them. They 
always want to do something to make 
their town more prosperous, but most 
of the time they don't know what to do 
or how to do it. That is where we come 
in. It is simply the idea of cooperation 
intimately applied. We help them. They 
build their town, and we haul the freight." 

The railroad now even takes an active 
part in the plans of towns and cities 
for self-beautification. The railroads that 
are building the new Union Station in 
Kansas City are putting $500,000 into a 
park to help complete that city's admirable 
scheme of parks and driveways. The old- 
time railroad station was probably the 
ugliest example of American architecture. 
But the stations that are being built 
to-day are planned to be an inspiration 
to the builders of a city. 

A town in Oklahoma wanted a new 
railroad station. This is a chronic con- 
dition among towns of all sizes. The 
files of every railroad manager in the 
country are crowded with demands for 
new stations. In this town the station 
was opposite the public square. Alight- 
ing from the train a traveler saw a livery 
stable, a dumping ground, a row of tumble- 
down shacks, and a waste of sand. 

" You people don't want us to put a 
new station in here," said the road to the 
town. "It would make \ou look bad. 
We would put in a good looking building, 
and the contrast with your appearance 
would be awful. Reform that square 
and you'll get your station." 

The town made a little park of the 
dumping ground, removed the livery 
stable and the shacks, and the result was 
a general clean-up of the town, followed 
almost immediately by the erection of a 
modern, tasteful station. 






TWO years ago Unity Church, The church turned to him in its difficulty 

of Montclair, N. J., found itself because he is a successful business man. 

in desperate straits. A mort- Mr. Harris agreed to serve as president 

gage on the $30,000 edifice, of the trustees, provided he were given 

and heavy operating expenses, free rein. When he said that he meant 

including a $3,500 salary to the pastor, to build up the church by advertising, 

were breaking the backs of the con- some of the members objected. Mr. 

gregation. Death had decimated their Harris told them that the command to 

ranks, and no new members had come to preach the gospel to every creature im- 

fill up the gaps. The average attendance plied the use of printers' ink. They said 

at Sunday morning services was less than "Go ahead." 

ninety. The church's influence in the Montclair was overstocked with 

affairs of Montclair was nothing. Every- churches. Every one who was interested 

body was apathetic, everybody was dis- in religious work already had some church 

couraged. For thirteen years the church affiliation. And the non-church-going ele- 

had struggled along. Now it seemed only ment seemed absolutely indifferent to all 

a matter of a little time until it should efforts to interest them, 

give up. So Unity Church presented its offering 

To-day the membership of Unity Church by advertising; and it advertised, not 

numbers 236. The average Sunday morn- a church or a minister, but the gospel, 

ing attendance is 165. The church can First of all the church made use of the 

hardly hold the crowds that throng to it local newspapers, in which it published 

on Sunday evenings. Instead of being weekly announcements. These were about 

open seven times a week, the church build- five inches square, and were prominently 

ing is now used twenty times a week, displayed. They were live but not bla- 

Even the janitor's salary has been raised, tant. They were set up so as to catch 

so greatly has his work increased! Once the eye. They were worded, not to 

a nonentity, Unity Church has become a startle, but to impress the reader. Some 

leader in civic affairs. The local news- little catch-word was always skilfully 

papers are full of it and its doings. The inserted. In an advertisement of a ser- 

congregation is confident, energetic, ag- mon on "Just Plain Reliability," appeared 

gressive. The increased financial burden these sentences. "Is life a dash or a 

is carried easily. All this has been accom- Marathon?" — " Duty soon tires. Love 

plished in two years. It was done by goes all' the way." 

advertising. First, these advertisements told about 
The man behind the advertising cam- the Sunday sermon. Then they an- 
paign was Mr. Emerson P. Harris, presi- nounced the other services of the week, 
dent of the Harris-Dibble